MA in International Education 2000/2001
University of Sussex Institute of Education

Promoting Inclusive Education in Neluwa,
a Tea Plantation Area in Sri Lanka,
through the Community Based Rehabilitation Programme

August, 2001

YOKOTANI, Kaoru
Supervisor: Dr. Angela Jacklin

Dissertation submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
MA in International Education

Table of Contents

TABLE OF CONTENTS 　　　I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 　　　III
LIST OF FIGURES, TABLES AND BOXES 　　　IV
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 　　　V
ABSTRACT 　　　VI
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 　　　1
1.1. Rationale and Overview of the innovation 　　　1
1.2. Aims and Objectives 　　　2
1.2.1. Aims 　　　2
1.2.2. Objectives 　　　3
1.3. Structure of this paper 　　　4
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 　　　5
2.1. Education and Development 　　　5
2.2. Disabled People in Developing Countries 　　　8
2.2.1. Disabled people in development discourse 　　　8
2.2.2. Disabled people in developing countries 　　　12
2.2.3. Gender and Disability 　　　14
2.3. Inclusive Education 　　　15
CHAPTER 3 ANALYSIS OF THE MACRO SITUATION IN SRI LANKA 　　　19
3.1. Country Context 　　　19
3.2. Official Picture of Sri Lanka; Positive dimensions 　　　20
3.3. Negative dimensions; the existence of invisible people 　　　21
3.3.1 Inequality between Ethnic groups 　　　22
3.3.2 Inequality between areas; Plantation sectors 　　　22
3.3.3. The Quality of Education 　　　25
3.4. Disabled people in Sri Lanka 　　　25
3.4.1. The official picture 　　　25
3.4.2. The reality 　　　27
CHAPTER 4 SETTING THE SCENE: THE CONTEXT IN NELUWA 　　　30
4.1. Socio-economic background 　　　30
4.2. Disabled people in Neluwa 　　　32
4.3. Sarvodaya Suwasetha CBR: the main body of the innovation implementation 　　　33
CHAPTER 5 THE INNOVATION 　　　39
5.1. Methodology 　　　39
5.1.1. Conventional approach 　　　39
5.1.2. Phenomenological and participatory approach 　　　40
5.1.2. Monitoring and Evaluation 　　　　43
5.2. The Child-to-Child Approach 　　　45
5.3. The Relationship between 'Inclusive Education', 'CBR' and the 'Child-to-Child approach' 　　　49
CHAPTER 6 IMPLEMENTATION 　　　55
6.1. Expected outcomes 　　　55
6.2. Implementation strategies 　　　56
6.2.1. The order of priority of the objectives 　　　56
6.2.2. Setting achievable targets 　　　56
6.2.3. Facilitators of the project 　　　57
6.2.4. Selection of schools 　　　58
6.2.5. Target group 　　　58
6.3. Possible obstacles 　　　59
6.3.1. Resistance to the innovation 　　　59
6.3.2. Cultural considerations 　　　61
6.3.3. Funding 　　　62
6.4. Designing a plan for the innovation in year 1 　　　63
6.4.1. Preparation 66
6.4.2. First cycle -Phase 1 　　　67
6.4.3. First cycle -Phase 2 　　　68
6.4.4. First cycle -Phase 3 　　　69
6.4.5. First cycle -Phase 4 　　　70
6.4.6. First cycle -Phase 5 　　　71
6.4.7. Evaluation 　　　71
6.5. Designing a plan for the innovation in year 2 　　　72
6.5.1. The second cycle of the project 　　　73
6.5.2. Setting the project in the other school 　　　73
CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION: TOWARDS WIDER CHANGE 　　　75
APPENDICES 　　　78
REFERENCES 　　　92

Acknowledgement

I would like to express my sincere appreciation to all people who supported me in so many ways while working on this paper and pursuing the degree. I cannot include the names of all those, but, acknowledging doing injustice to those not mentioned, I would like firstly to thank Dr. Angela Jacklin for her untiring and tolerant supervision and encouragement.

Particular thanks are due to Mr. Nandasena Brahmana and the field workers of Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation programme for generously giving me any opportunities to understand the programme and the specific situation disabled people in Sri Lanka face, and sparing their time and providing me necessary information. Also, people with disabilities and their families have inspired me for this paper. Without meeting them, this paper would not have been written.

Finally, but foremost, I wish to thank all friends of mine, particularly Tharcisse Ukizintambara, Sarah Healy, Kenji Kuno, Ikuko Suzuki and my course mates for their technical, academic support and extensive encouragement whenever I faced difficulties. My special thanks are also extended to my family who have all encouraged me to start, enjoy and finish this degree. Without all of them, including those who are not mentioned here, I could not have completed this paper and degree.

List of Figures

Figure 1: Model of disability: The Medical Model 9
Figure 2: Model of disability: The Social Model 11
Figure 3: Vicious cycle of Poverty and Disability 13
Figure 4: The Degree of Participation 40
Figure 5: The Child-to-Child approach 45

List of Tables

Table 1: Type of Government School in Sri Lanka 20
Table 2: Comparison of socio-economic indicators between sectors 23
Table 3: Monthly income of each occupation in 1986/87 23
Table 4: Public schools in Neluwa 32
Table 5: Number of people with disabilities covered by SSCBR 35
Table 6: The Relation between SSCBR and local schools 36
Table 7: The practical reasons of the importance of disabled people's involvement 51
Table 8: The commonality between CBR and Inclusive Education 53
Table 9: Overview of a plan for the innovation on year 1 63

List of Boxes

Box 1: The strength of Phenomenological and Participatory Approach 41
Box 2: The Weakness of Phenomenological and Participatory Approaches 43
Box 3: Definition of Monitoring and Evaluation 44
Box 4: The Major Educational Influences on Child-to-Child 46
Box 5: Key elements of the Child-to-Child approach 1: Active learning and teaching 47
Box 6: Key elements of the Child-to-Child approach 2: Step by step process 47
Box 7: Summary of the training guidelines 68
Box 8: The Purpose of the presentation 71
Box 9: The points to be discussed in the collective meeting for the evaluation 72

List of Abbreviations

CBR	Community Rehabilitation Programme
DFID	The Department for International Development
EENET	The Enabling Education Network
EFA	Education for All
ESCAP	The Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
ILO	The International Labour Office
MOEH	Ministry of Education and Higher Education
M&E	Monitoring and Evaluation
MOSS	Ministry of Social Service
NGO	Non-Governmental Organisation
SIDA	Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency
SSCBR	Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation programme
SSpSch	Sarvodaya Special School
UNDP	The United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO	The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
UNICEF	The United Nations International Children's Educational Fund
WHO	The World Health Organisation

Abstract

The need for education for all (EFA) has reached international consensus with the Jomtien World Conference regarded as a milestone. Most national governments have made efforts towards the realisation of EFA. However, the learning needs of disabled children have still not been sufficiently addressed. In developing countries in general, the challenge is huge, as disabled people tend to be 'invisible'.

This general picture can also be seen in Sri Lanka, which officially has impressive social indicators including those in the area of education. In particular, disabled people who live in rural areas tend to be little focus. Governmental efforts towards equal status are unlikely to reach disabled people. The complex and multifaceted relationship between disability and poverty seem to be in inescapable.

In this study, the conceptual model surrounding disabled people is outlined using the relevant literature. This would elicit marginalised experience of disabled people, which could be argued as ﾔmicrocosm of the whole development process'. The focus will be narrowed down to the specific context of Neluwa in Sri Lanka. A proposal to promote inclusive education through an existing programme, the Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation Programme (SSCBR), will be developed.

The main focus of this project would be to work towards the removal of barriers to disabled children's participation in primary education, by promoting inclusive education using a participatory approach. Hopefully this piece of work will also challenge the prevailing discourse in schooling in Sri Lanka characterised as 'the Diploma Disease'. The proposed innovation ultimately aims to raise community awareness regarding disability, which can contribute to empowering the marginalised community as a whole. ﾔDisabled people can show us a different way, and lead us into an approach to development based on the profound human value of respect for each individual life' (Coleridge, 1993, p.11).

Chapter 1
Introduction

1.1. Rationale and Overview of the innovation
Education is arguably the key for a better individual life and also a better society. This is made manifest by the fact that there is international consensus on the need for education for all (EFA), with Jomtien World Conference (UNESCO[1], 1990) regarded as a milestone.

Sri Lanka participated in the above conference and adopted the principles of EFA targets. Even before the conference, the government attempted a more equitable distribution policy, which is reflected in the impressive social indicators for a developing country (Alailama & Sanderatne, 1998; Wilson, 1992). Despite rather modest levels of economic growth, Sri Lankan's surpassing achievement in social development is often cited as a model of human development. Also the rights of disabled people[2} have been legally protected by an act which came into effect in 1996 (Mendis, 1997).

However, the disabled children/people I met in Sri Lanka gave me a different picture from such impressive official statements. Due to impairment, either physical, intellectual or both, many children seemed to be abandoned in hospitals and obliged to stay in segregated residential institutions throughout their lives. It also appeared that those institutions for disabled people did not have sufficient services to meet their needs. Many disabled children, including those who live with their families, had no chance to go to schools or dropped out because of lack of support in schools. This situation seems to be prevalent in poor rural areas where disabled children, such as those with cerebral palsy whom I met in 'Neluwa', had extreme difficulties exercising their basic human rights including the right of basic education.

These inconsistent pictures seem to bear witness to the fact that government initiated innovations, which tend to adopt a top-down approach, have a limited capacity to realise EFA targets and exist 'invisible people' behind the official statistics. The other agencies, which apply different approaches, definitely need to take an active part in educational innovation. Grass-roots organisations, such as Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs[3]), are just such agencies.

Therefore, it is assumed that the proposed innovation could be implemented through an existing programme of a local NGO, Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation (SSCBR). The reason is that the SSCBR workers seem to have established trusting relationships within the community and are sufficiently familiar with the context of the area at grass-roots level.

Although the main focus of this study is people with disabilities, based on the belief that 'the empowerment of disabled peopleﾉwill then produce another social change: the creation of a society which recognises the unique contribution that can be made by disabled people. It is a contribution that no "developed" society or world should be without' (Stone, 1999, p.34), it would possibly benefit to the disadvantaged community as a whole

1.2. Aims and Objectives
1.2.1. Aims
The aim of this project is to promote inclusive education which targets disabled children who live in Neluwa, a poor rural area in Sri Lanka, in order to work towards the realisation of the EFA. Thus, the main focus of this project would be to work towards the removal of barriers to disabled children's participation in primary education. The longer-term goal of the project is to increase awareness of disability rights in the community.

The project aims not only at increasing opportunities for disabled children to receive primary education, but also at contributing to an improvement in the overall quality of education in the area. The prevailing discourse in schooling in Sri Lanka is diagnosed as 'the Diploma Disease', in which examination-oriented schooling urges people to learn by rote in order to earn academic credentials (Dore, 1997). The project hopes to improve this situation by encouraging children's active learning.

The project will ultimately lead to the empowerment of the marginalised community, because inclusive education is 'a process of growth' (Corbett and Slee, 2000, p.136) and its ultimate goal is to promote an inclusive society where diversity is welcomed (EENET[4], 1998; Thomas et al., 1998).

1.2.2. Objectives
From the above aims, specific objectives are set as follows:

a) To work towards the removal of barriers to disabled children's participation in primary education.

b) To work towards the removal of barriers to learning for all children irrespective of disability.

c) To increase the recognition of the importance of active learning for all children.

d) To raise community awareness regarding disability issues.

e) To enhance community networks, especially between disabled people and their families and other members of the community.

In designing the project, these objectives are mainly concerned with current problems, but the issues are also examined at the macro levels in order to understand the situation which is historically formed with intricately intertwined factors. This will help the project to have a profound understanding of the context when tackling the problems. Keeping this deep-rooted background in mind, the proposal can only realistically work towards setting the starting point to challenge the current situation faced by disadvantaged people. However, if the project is continuously sustained, the longer-term goals could be achievable.

Therefore, the first task is (a) 'to remove barriers to participation for children with disabilities in primary education', which is strongly inter-linked with (b) and (c) because inclusion can benefit all children (UNESCO, 1994). And then (d) and (e) will be more long-term objectives, which will hopefully be brought about through the continuous process of pursuing the achievement of the other objectives.
In order to achieve the above objectives, this project employs the Child-to-Child approach, a participatory approach which emphasises children's active participation in education. (Pridmore and Stephens, 2000). This approach was chosen in order to capture the essence of 'inclusive education', which is to benefit not only disabled but also all children, as agreed in the World Conference on Special Needs Education at Salamanca (1994). By promoting children's active learning, all children will hopefully recognise the importance of active learning, which will in turn improve the overall quality of education in Neluwa. A gender sensitive perspective will be integrated in each stage of the project.

1.3. Structure of this paper
Using the relevant literature, chapter two outlines the conceptual model surrounding disabled people, which will be used as a framework in the situation analysis. Using the framework, chapter three examines the Sri Lankan context with regard to disabled people. It will show the extent to which the prevalent model of disability is replicated in the Sri Lankan context and identify the specific issues that need to be considered in proposing the innovation. Narrowing this down, chapter four analyses the more specific context of Neluwa, where the project will be set up. Chapter five analyses the strengths and weaknesses of approaches that will be used in the innovation. In addition, it demonstrates how three important approaches for this innovation, Inclusive Education, CBR and the Child-to-Child approach, complement each other. Chapter six describes how to design and develop a programme for promoting inclusive education in Neluwa. Finally, chapter seven provides the summary and conclusion.

[1] UNESCO: The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
[2] Disabled people/person(s)/children and people/person(s)/children with disabilities are used interchangeably in this paper. The terms are used to encompass all kinds of people who are identified as having disabilities, which include people with all degrees of; physical impairments, sensory impairments, intellectual impairments, chronic illness emotional behavioural difficulties etc.
[3] There is no universally accepted definition of NGOs and range from large bi-lateral funding agencies operating in many countries to very small village level associations providing immediate needs of their members. However, in this paper, NGOs refer to the organisations which are people-centred, flexible and democratic, irrespective of it size. See Korten (1990) for the classification and nature of NGOs.
[4] EENET: The Enabling Education Network

Chapter 2
Literature Review

This chapter is comprised of three parts. The first section explores current development discourse in relation to the role of education. It highlights the gap between political rhetoric and the reality which is the existence of invisible people who are marginalised within the current development discourse. The second section focuses on disabled people, in order to explore how they are marginalised and become invisible. Reference is made to the other development issues, such as poverty and gender bias. These analyses will illustrate that disability is a development issue which is socially constructed and has intricate links with other issues. The third section reviews 'inclusive education', why it is important and how it can contribute to an impoverishment in the current situation faced by disadvantaged people.

2.1. Education and Development
In the last few decades, the concept of development has been used in various ways, but it seems obvious that the neo-classical paradigm of development has lost credibility (Seers, 1977). Judging from the introduction of the Human Development Indicators in 1990 by UNDP[1], human development has become a focus of development discourse.

In this discourse, ''development' is not about charity in which 'haves' control and give to 'have-nots', it is about a process of social transformation. 'Charity does nothing to challenge or change the status quo; indeed, it perpetuates it' (Coleridge, 1993, P.3). Change will not occur unless people become aware of their own situation, understand the causes of their problems and work towards gaining control over their own lives.

The importance of education in development process is well known. Freire (1970) argues that education has a role of 'social transformation' through 'self-conscientization'. Taking history as a witness, the importance of basic education has been discussed at international level for the past fifty years[2]. Most currently, the World Forum on EFA in Dakar reaffirms that education lays the foundation for individual development, and this leads to the development of society (UNESCO, 2000a).

Through history, efforts have been made, which certainly have led to substantial progress in many countries (UNESCO, 2000a). However, the historical re-affirmation of EFA agenda also illustrates that the realisation of EFA, in terms of both its quantitative and qualitative dimensions, is not easy and the long process has met with various obstacles. The following is the reality, revealed in Dakar, after some fifty years since basic education was formally accepted as a universal human right by the nations of the world (United Nations General Assembly, 1948)

More than 113 million children have no access to primary education, 880 million adults are illiterate, gender discrimination continues to permeate education systems, and the quality of learning and the acquisition of human values and skills fall far short of the aspirations and needs of individuals and societies.
(UNESCO, 2000a para.5)

The paper continues that there are groups of people who are excluded or neglected by governments' innovations and they are quite often the powerless (UNESCO, 2000a). This fact clearly reveals that adopting a declaration does not always ensure its achievement.

One of the major reasons could be, as Little (1994) recognises, 'the distinction between 'lip-service' and 'real' political agenda' (p.3). Even when governments place EFA on their 'real' political agenda, they seem to have significant difficulties translating rhetoric into action (Clark et al. 1998; Lynch, 1994). Political provision and legislation does not always ensure EFA. This could be understood as an illustration that government initiated innovations have limitations.

The other reason could be the inevitable influence of 'globalisation', in which economic force often goes beyond government initiatives. Globalisation involves restructuring in both the centre and the periphery, resulting in a 'core-periphery' polarisation which spreads between countries and across national boundaries (Robinson, 1996). The 'core ' of the world economy now goes beyond geographical boundaries and embraces not only wealthy nations but 'haves' in poorer nations as well (Hoogvelt, 1997; Tikly, 2001). Consequently, in the words of Werner (1995), 'in today's world -with its development strategies that favour the rich at the expense of the disadvantaged -such basic needs [such as access to enough food, clean water, decent shelter and primary health care] are becoming more and more difficult to meet for all poor and marginalised people' (p.2).

In the era of globalisation, another challenge to the achievement of EFA is quality of education. 'Globalisation extends well beyond the realm of economics' (Tikly n.d., p.15). Both visible and invisible global products, such as information, contribute to shape the way people think and desire, their values and behaviour. People all over the world tend to pursue the single values dominating the economic-centred global community and consider educational credentials as key to a 'better life'. As a result, the learning[3] experience is likely to be ritualistic, tedious or destructive of curiosity and imagination. 'Less' learning for its own sake' and 'learning to do a job' and more 'learning to get a job' with detrimental effects on the quality of learning' (Dore, 1997, p.vii) -this process of credentialism is what Dore (1997) coined as 'the Diploma Disease'. This is none other than what Freire (1970) calls the 'banking concept of education': the teacher 'banks' or 'pours' knowledge, and students store the 'deposits' and retrieve them when demanded.

It is now more than 25 years since Freire (1970) and Dore (1997)[4] questioned the purpose of education and that consequently its contents which was to fulfil that purpose resulted in poor quality for empowering people. However, this argument seems to be valid to date, or may even have escalated in the era of globalisation, in which globally accepted examinations or text books have become widespread and opportunities to study outside one's own country have dramatically increased. Examining this situation, Hawes and Stephens (1990) criticise the lack of emphasis on the quality of primary education in the literature surrounding universal primary education. The poor quality or absence of education may confine 'have-nots' in disadvantaged situations, depriving them of their self-actualisation, as Freire (1970) condemns passive learning as a measure of oppression.

It should not be ignored that the growing recognition of education's important contribution to economic growth has certainly led to an increase in donor investments in basic education[5] (Colclough with Lewin, 1993; Fagerlind and Saha, 1989). However, especially in the era of globalisation, the relation between education and economic growth needs to be viewed critically, because education as part of the social system has been inextricably linked to development discourse and cannot exist isolated from the influence of globalisation.

2.2. Disabled People in Developing Countries
In the previous section, the existence of overlooked or neglected people within the current discourse of any development process is highlighted. In this section, the main focus will be on disabled people and their marginalised experience which is considered as a 'microcosm of the whole development process' (Coleridge, 1993; Abu-Habib, 1997).

2.2.1. Disabled people in development discourse
It could be argued that disabled people often belong to the group of overlooked or neglected people and tend to be omitted from the international development agenda. For instance, disability has been absent from the Human Development Report which reflects most aspects of dehumanising conditions. Even in the framework for EFA, the learning needs of disabled children have been tackled very little. As Oliver (1996) states 'there have been very few international studies of the lives of disabled people' (p.114). Harris-White (1996) adds that 'along with neglect in policy and theory goes a deep factual neglect' (p.i).

Disabled people are often treated as if they are different in kind, which can be seen by the fact that issues have been discussed in separate settings. The issue of EFA is perhaps a good example. In Jomtien, little consideration was given to disabled people. There appeared to some improvement four years later at the Salamanca Conference, which advocated the importance of inclusive education (UNESCO, 1994). However, the same experience was encountered in the recent commitment of the EFA in Dakar, in which there was no direct mention of children with disabilities.

The way in which disability issues are addressed both at international and national levels tends to be based on a charity discourse, not a right discourse (Hevey, 1992; Coleridge, 1993; Oliver, 1996; Fulcher, 1989). Disabled people are seen as living under sympathy, special treatment or consideration from more powerful members of their society. In this charity discourse, problems are seen as situated within individuals, not within the social structure. This is known as the 'medical model of disability' (Figure 1).

This model emphasises individual deficits rather than the limitations of suitable provision for personal needs, and so attributes difficulties to within individuals. The model regards the impairment as 'abnormality', as opposed to 'normality'. Disabled people are viewed as passive recipients who need to be cared for and cured by professionals and specialists, within special settings like sheltered learning, working and living places.

The charity discourse, underpinned by the medical model of disabilities, doesn't help to foster disabled people's self-esteem, but rather, it contributes to their oppression. Charity is what Hevey (1992) calls ﾔthe opiate of the handicappedﾕ (para.1). Thus, it can be said that the medical model can never sufficiently explain what disability is. The situation will not be fully changed until the social structures and people's attitudes towards disability are changed.

In addition, it could be argued that disabled people's situation is worsened by their invisibility. The actual number of the disabled people is difficult to quantify and official data can be very unreliable (Khatleli et al., 1995; Lynch, 1994). Although WHO[7] estimates it at about 10% of the whole population, as Coleridge (1993) states, such generalisation tends to ignore the wide variation in the prevalence of disability within and between countries and consequently could mask the real situation.

There seem to be several possible explanations for this invisibility. Firstly, the definition and categorisation of disability is problematic and the identification of disabled people differs from country to country. There is no standardised definition for statistical purposes across countries (Coleridge, 1993). Secondly, several countries have not conducted any survey of disability and some of them simply apply the figures estimated by WHO (Nakanishi, 2000a). Thirdly, even when there are data, they are sometimes too old[8], and do not take account of the fact that data can fluctuate because some impairments are reversed or overcome. Fourthly, the research may be conducted by investigators who are insufficiently trained (Nakanishi, 2000a). Even if this is not the case, it is not easy in a cultural context, where family members may feel ashamed to have a child with disabilities or reluctant to and afraid of exposing him/her, and thus omission may occur (Nakanishi, 1996; Lynch, 1994). Finally, the statistics can be politically manipulated, for example in conflict situations disability figures can be often inflated (Coleridge, 1993).

The social model puts emphasis on the socio-political context, and strongly suggests that problems are situated in the social structure which tends to exclude disabled people. Exclusion occurs due to both physical and institutional inaccessibility for disabled people, and attitudinal segregation with prejudicial views underpinned by cultural and religious beliefs.

However, it is not easy to change the social structure, as the experience of the realisation of EFA shows. Even when the policy mandates provision for disabled people, further impetus and time would be required in order to bring them into action.

Moreover, it is not only the matter of resources. To change people's attitudes and belief tends to be rather difficult because often they have been historically inherited with intertwined aspects of political, economic, religious and cultural values. Abberley (1997) argues, different from other forms of oppression, how difficult it is to change social structure, including people's attitudes towards disability, in this capitalist and materialist dominated world. He claims that 'full integration of impaired people in social production can never constitute the future to which we as a movement aspire' (p.41). From his perspective, impairment will remain problematic. The problems disabled people face will not be eradicated as long as the world is ruled by economic power and 'productionism' prevails -where notions of humanity and value ultimately depend on labour.

2.2.2. Disabled people in developing countries
Marginalisation and invisibility seem to be much greater in so-called developing countries where, generally speaking, less attention is paid to disability issues (Coleridge, 2000; Nakanishi, 1996). As Malinga[10], a disabled activist from Zimbabwe, pointed out:

While people in the rich world are talking about Independent Living and improved services, we are talking about survival.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　(1996, cited in Stone, 1999, p.1, emphasis added)

For disabled persons in the South, meeting basic needs is a problem (Werner, 1995). In this capitalist dominated world, where resources and information tend to be unequally distributed, disability is often associated with poverty. Studies have generally shown that the majority of disabled people live in developing countries and 'more often than not they are among the poorest of the poor' (DFID[11], 2000, p.1). Based on a survey conducted in Tanzania, White (1999) concluded that 'disability is a hidden face of African poverty' (cited in DFID, 2000, p.4).

The complex and multifaceted relationship between disability and poverty is like an inescapable trap. It seems to be extremely difficult to break out from the vicious cycle of poverty and disability intricately constructed by the socio-political context (Figure 3).

Beresford (1996) represents it as 'a two -way one' where one increases the other (p.564). Lockheed and Verspoor (1991) explain that children's capacity in schools is much influenced by their health and nutritional status and their prior learning experience in their home and community. Thus, disability could add one more burden on disadvantaged people in a prevailing social structure where the powerless get less. Inferior or lack of opportunity for education and training, inaccessible and inflexible employment, environmental barriers and prejudice are among other factors that restrict disabled people's freedom of decision, choice and benefit. Among the developing countries, preventable causes of disability[13] are still common currency. For example, there are frequent cases of people suffering from malnutrition, disease caused by inadequate immunisation, congenital anomalies and injuries in conflicts, etc. Furthermore, societies[14] which have strong traditions and religious values are likely to equate disability with sin, divine, punishment and impurity[14], and the attitudinal barriers constructed by those values are generally more significant in developing countries (Coleridge, 1993, 2000). Therefore, it may be safe to conclude that disabled people who live in poorer societies are one of the most disadvantaged groups of people.

Those disadvantaged situations cut across the whole life of disabled people. Children with disabilities who live in developing countries tend to have less support and opportunity to maximise their potential.

Currently 85 per cent of the world's disabled children under 15 years of age live in developing countriesﾉ most of these children receive scant attention, if any, from formal health services.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　(Khan and Durkin, 1995 p.1)

Considering educational opportunities, children with disabilities have been lying 'on the fringe of the educational system' (Lockheed and Verspoor, 1991, p.154). In 1996, UNDP estimated that only 2-3% disabled children in developing countries were receiving an education and furthermore that education was of doubtful adequacy and appropriateness to the individual needs (Price, 2001; Hegarty, 1990; Bellamy, 1999). In addition, Miles (1985) who examined third world educational integration finds that 'non-designed integration is widespread' (p.i).

2.2.3. Gender and Disability
For centuries, humanity has gone through a tremendous inequality between male and female. Being women with disabilities could mean facing more inequalities in this unjust society not only due to the disadvantages associated with gender but also those associated with disabilities (Coleridge, 1999; Drake, 1999; Hastie, 1997). 'Her inferior status in society is often more debilitating for a disabled woman than the disability itself' (Boylan, 1991, p.1) Disability has deprived women of their sexuality. There are many cases of women who became disabled and were then obliged to divorce. The situation seems to be completely different for men who sometimes even are glorified, especially when they became disabled during wartime (Abu-Habib, 1997; Boylan, 1991). Girls with disabilities attend school less frequently than their male counterparts (DFID, 2000). In the end, disabled women can be characterised as one of the most 'invisible' and 'voiceless' groups of people, enduring 'double discrimination' or 'double disadvantages'.

However, they tend to be ignored by both the feminist movement and the disability movement (Abu-Habib, 1997; Boyce et al., 2001). Also, gender inequality could affect not only disabled children themselves, but also their caregivers who are most often mothers or female members of the families. Boukhari (1997) calls them the 'invisible victims' (p.36).

As shown above, gender bias cuts deeply across disability issues. Moreover, gender and disability are often intricately linked to each other and to other aspects like poverty. Despite the deep link, they tend to be handled in separate settings. However, the links should not be ignored in any stage of development work. In Werner's (1995) words, '[the goal of any development effort] is to work towards a social order that provides all people -weak and strong, rich or poor, male or female, black, brown or white- with equal respect, equal opportunities and equal rights' (p.11).

2.3. Inclusive Education
As Barton (1986) testifies, 'the educational system is one of the most important means by which societies reproduce themselves' (p.140), education can be a vital agency towards an inclusive society. But it should be noted that the role of education could affect the society as a double-edged sword by serving for enrichment as well as deterioration. For instance, the notable phenomenon of 'the Diploma Disease' could be identified as the outcome of the latter effect. In addition, the long history of segregated educational settings for disabled people could be also argued as contributing to the 'deterioration' by reinforcing negative attitudes to disability (Oliver, 1996; Vlachou, 1997).

Special Education was promoted in the industrialised North during the last century in the belief that a special setting with specialist would be required to meet the 'special' needs of disabled children. However, the current situation of disabled people in the North shows the limited extent to which expected outcomes have been reached through the segregated policy. For example, in Britain and the United States, 67% of disabled people aged 15-64 are unemployed compared with 32% of the non-disabled population of the same age (Disability Awareness in Action, 1995 cited in Beresford, 1996, p.558). Over 60% of disabled people live below the poverty line (New Internationalist, 1992) with almost two-thirds of them likely to be affected by long-term illness and disease (Bereford, 1996). Furthermore, most disabled people experience some kind of discrimination (Drake, 1999).

This illustrates how segregated education policies which are underpinned by the medical model of disabilities (Figure1) tend not to contribute to the realisation of an equal society, far from that, it may even reinforce disabled people's oppressed situation. The absence of disabled people in schools seems to confirm their invisible status in society. Lack of awareness and understanding of disability, not realising that disabled children could benefit from schooling, not perceiving disabled people as valued citizens are the common outcomes of segregated policies in most situations. Under such situations, self-conscientisation of disabled people themselves would be inhibited. We can see how deeply the vicious cycle of poverty and disability (Figure 3) is rooted, regardless of the country's economic situation.

Economic forces may not have helped much to break out of the vicious cycle, on the contrary, it probably puts a negative impact on vulnerable groups. As a notorious characteristic of globalisation, the rising disparities between the 'haves' and 'have-nots' both among nations and within countries seem to be accelerating as shown in the following quotation.

One per cent of the world population has one million U.S. dollar, and their assets have been estimated at an average of 12% increase per year over the decade. In addition, the wealthiest 20% (about 1 billion people) account for 86% of the total consumption, but the poorest 20% for only 1.3%. Furthermore, in the U.S. for example, the disparities between the 10% who earn the highest salary and the 10% who earn the lowest salary have expanded from 3.6 times in 1979 to 5 times in 1996.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　(Tanaka, 2000[16])

This situation may be nothing more than a replication of the power structure of the colonial era. Although the neo-classical paradigm of development may have lost its credibility and the current focus has shifted to human development, as discussed earlier, the reality seems to be that economic forces actually wield power in our world. The lion's share is taken by more powerful actors, whereas the powerless, like disabled people in poorer societies, tend to be left behind.

Efforts need to be made to change the social structure. Inclusive education, 'which in responding to the diversity of learners, minimises exclusion for all' (Booth, 2001, para1), can be a vital way to move forward. Inclusive education has arguably moved up the agenda since the 1994 Salamanca Conference. The Salamanca Statement proclaims a broader concept ensuring the principle of inclusion which takes account the fact that the prevailing environment, culture and ethos should be changed to welcome diversity so that every learner, irrespective of disability, can participate and maximise their potentials.

However, 'Inclusion' is not a new idea. It is rooted in liberal progressive thought (Thomas et al, 1998) and has been discussed from the 1980's at the international level (Ainscow et al, 1995). Before the Salamanca Framework, the term 'Integration' was more widely used, but now this has generally been replaced by 'inclusion', reflecting criticism of the way that the idea of integration was adopted in practice.

Integration was criticised as a notion underpinned by the medical model of disability (Figure 1) (Corker, 1998; Fulcher, 1989). 'Integration' views disabled children as subjects to change by being cared, cured and controlled by professionals in order to fit into the environment constructed under non-disabled norms. Thus, the practice tended to be a technical matter, simply changing the place where people learn, and as a result, segregation was sustained (Armstrong et al, 2000; Ballad, 1999). In contrast, 'inclusion' views the social structure as a subject to change, namely, it is a notion underpinned by the social model of disability (Figure 2) (Corker, 1998; Fulcher, 1989; Booth, 1999).

This terminological transition implies that it is now well recognised that disability is not only a matter that can be solved by technical measures focusing on individuals with disability. Exclusion will not vanish unless people understand what actually constructs the whole issue of disability. The focus should be on individual strength and needs and on the removal of barriers to participation and learning for all children, not only children with disabilities but also all adults/children, whatever their gender, age, ability, ethnicity, impairment or HIV status. All actors -children, teachers, parents and specialists, need to be involved to identify needs and to solve the problem. Consequently, a supportive environment, in which diversity is welcomed, will be created. When this approach is implemented, it will be beneficial to all children.

EENET (1998) advocates that 'Inclusive education is part of development, and development should be inclusive' (para.4). The notion of 'inclusion' goes beyond school-based consideration by embracing a wider notion towards 'inclusivity in society' (Thomas et al, 1998, p.7) because, as seen before, education could be a vital measure for forming society. Individuals who benefit from inclusive schooling would definitely contribute to a transformation of their society by their participation and contribution towards the realisation of an 'inclusive society' (EENET, 1998). Such societies where diversity is welcomed would be very favourable for everyone. Ainscow elucidates that:

Inclusive education is really a process of people inquiring into their own context to see how it can be developed and it is a process of growth. It is a social process and it engages people in making sense of their experience and helping one another to question their experience and their context to see how things can be moved forward'
　　　　　　　　　(interviewed 26 October 1998 cited in Corbett and Slee, 2000, p.136)

However, some surveys indicate that separate settings of educational provision for disabled children are still predominant in many parts of the world (Ainscow et al. 1995). Consequently, inclusive society seems to be very rare in the current materialistic world where the more 'haves' get, the less 'have-nots' get. A number of people who are oppressed exist and disabled people are likely to belong to this group as examined earlier.

Considering all the problems that face human kind, including all sorts of marginalisation, like disability and gender, it is indispensable for a sound development strategy to embrace all these de-humanising aspects in all development programmes and plans for the realisation of an inclusive society. Inclusive education would be able to bring the impetus to break out of the current situation. Coleridge (1993) argues that 'disabled people can show us a different way, and lead us into an approach to development based on the profound human value of respect for each individual life'. (p.11).

[1] UNDP: The United Nations Development Programme
[2] In 1948, the nation of the world agreed through the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that 'everyone has a right to education'. (United Nations General assembly, 1948)
[3] Needless to say, 'leaning' is not only 'to memorise' This is clear from the definition by Oxenham (1991). 'Learning is a complex social and psychological process by which we use all our senses, experience, memory and intelligence to acquire much behaviour, many habits and customs, all values, attitudes, knowledge and skills, both mental and muscular. It also comprises the processes by which we modify, refine, extend or develop what we know or can do' (p.9. cited in Pridmore and Stephens 2000, p.30).
[4] Dore first published 'The Diploma Disease' in 1976.
[5] According to Colclough with Lewin (1993), the World bank, one of the currently most important financial provider to education, did not make any loans for primary schooling during the 1960s, and even in 1970s, the amount was modest. Also, other aid agencies did not fully accept the need of investment in primary education. During 1980s, the aid to education has gradually been increased and Jomtien in 1990 played a vital role to reinforce the trend.
[6] Modified from Oliver, 1996; Fulcher, 1989; Coleridge, 1993; Corbett, 1994, Hastie, 1997.
[7] WHO: The World Health Organisation
[8] According to Nakanishi (2000a), 7 out 21 Asian countries that Nakanishi studies use the data in 1980s, the oldest one is in 1980.
[9} Modified from Oliver, 1996; Fulcher, 1989; Coleridge, 1993; Corbett, 1994, Hastie, 1997.
[10] Malinga, J. leading disabled activist from Zimbabwe and Chair of Disabled Peoples' International.
　　*No reference in Stone (1999)
[11] DFID: The Department for International Development
[12] Modified from: DFID, 2000, p.4; Hastie, 1997, p.77; Boylan, 1991 p.18-24.
[13] These could be seen in anywhere in the world. However, studies show that variation diminishes after services improve, or proper knowledge is spread. Generally speaking, delayed diagnosis, under-report, lack of information, lack of medical resources are more often found in poorer countries (Zinkin, 1995; Stone, 1999).
[14] It does not only mean developing countries. The industrialised west used to have same notion. Coleridge (1993) explains this from the example Christianity that 'it is mentioned in the Bible, impairment is linked with being unclean, an outcast, and/or possessed by demons (p.72). Also, refer to Barnes (1997) A Legacy of Oppression: A History of Disability in Western Culture.
[15] Coleridge (1993) call this 'the traditional model of disability.
[16] Extract from the article in Japanese has been translated into English.

Chapter 3
Analysis of the Macro Situation in Sri Lanka

This chapter will examine the Sri Lankan context at macro level with reference to the literature review. It begins with brief background information on Sri Lanka. Then next parts examine the positive and negative dimensions Sri Lanka faces. In doing so, it highlights how much the general picture reviewed in the previous chapter is replicated within the Sri Lankan context and also some of the key socio-economic, cultural, political and educational factors, which influence invisible people in Sri Lanka.

3.1. Country Context
The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka is an island nation in the Indian Ocean with an area of about 65,610 km2 and the estimated population for 1998 is 18.5million (Embassy of Sri Lanka in Japan, n.d.). The country gained political independence from the British colonial government in 1948 and established parliamentary democracy in the same year (ibid.).

Sri Lankan society has a plural structure, which is multi-ethnic and multi-religious. According to the census in 1981, Sri Lankan Sinhalese represent the majority population of 74 %, Sri Lankan Tamils account for 12.6%, followed by 5.6% of Indian origin Tamils, 7.1% of Moor and 0.7% of others (Jeyaratnam, 1988; Perera, 1999). In terms of religion, 69.4% are Buddhists, followed by 15.5 % Hindus, 7.5% Muslims and 7.6% Christians (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994). Over 72% of the population in Sri Lanka live in rural areas, 7% live in the estate sector[1], which mainly consists of export oriented agriculture, such as tea, rubber and coconut (Gamage, 1997).
In terms of educational setting, there are 11,272 schools with 4,260,989 pupils and 179,589 teachers. The majority of 10,643 are state owned schools[2] under the control of the provinces, which comprises 4 types (Table 1). Furthermore, there is another category of government schools, which is 'national schools' -mainly the 1AB schools are controlled by the Line Ministry (Perera, 1999). (see Appendix 1[3]). Those schools are divided into Sinhalese and Tamil medium[4], in which each mother tongue is used in teaching (Johnson et al., 2000)[5].

3.2. Official Picture of Sri Lanka; Positive dimensions
According to UNDP (2000), Sri Lanka is classified as a developing country. However, the GNP capita in 1998 is 810 US$, which is barely categorised as a middle-income country[7]. It is only since 1997[8] that Sri Lanka has joined this group. Its Human Development Index (0.733) ranks very high within the middle human development countries[9] and it has been in this category since the index was first introduced by UNDP in 1990.

The official statistics in the field of education are also impressive (see Appendix 2[10] for further details). The literacy rate is over 90% of those tested and basic and secondary education participation is the highest in South Asia (Johnson et al. 2000). As these figures show, the government has valued education and has made substantial financial provision for educational development (Bellamy, 2000), following the concept of 'entitlement' and the cultivation of the national mind as the basic principle of Buddhism (Tatto and Dharmadasa, 1995). Education at primary, secondary and tertiary levels has been free since 1945, textbooks are provided free of charge and mid-day meals and transport facilities are subsidised (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994). Compulsory attendance of children in the age range from 5 to 14 years has been ensured by government regulations enacted in 1997 (Perera, 1999).

The high scores in all official measures of gender equality are also impressive (Alailama & Sanderatne, 1998). Sri Lanka's Women's Charter was accepted as national policy in 1993 and remarkably women have equal educational opportunities in a region where many girls are severely disadvantaged (Jayaweera, 1999). Girls' enrolment rate at primary level is the same as that of boys, which is now close to universal (UNDP, 2000). The rate rises at secondary level, where there are as many as 109 girls for every 100 boys (UNDP, ibid.).

As implied in these impressive social indicators, the Sri Lankan government has attempted a more equitable distribution policy. These positive dimensions could be understood as outcomes brought about by maximising the potential of government initiated innovations.

3.3. Negative dimensions; the existence of invisible people
However, the positive dimensions do not reflect the full picture in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka seems not to be an exception from other Asian countries which, as Potter (1992) argues, have historical and colonial legacies that significantly penetrate in the democratic prospects in Asia. Close examinations will elicit the other dimension of Sri Lanka, which could be understood as a legacy of 150 years of colonialism[11].

Despite the governmental efforts, the inequality between different ethnic groups and different areas is still significant long after independence. This shows that government initiated innovations[12] in Sri Lanka also have limitations and seem not to reach everyone, especially those who are the most needy. The impressive educational measures do not indicate much about the qualitative dimension. The negative dimensions that Sri Lanka has will elucidate that Sri Lanka is arguably part of the current unequal world formed by capitalist dominated development discourse.

3.3.1 Inequality between Ethnic groups
Ethnic conflicts, which have been a major backlash of national development, have disturbed the multi-ethnic society of Sri Lanka for several decades. The current notorious conflict is the independence movement of Indian Tamils who were originally brought from South India in the colonial period as plantation workers. The troops, named ﾔLiberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, have waged conflict against the Sinhalese dominated government since 1980s (Whitaker, 1997). The conflicts originated in historically entwined factors, which are too complicated to discuss here. However, it may be said that inequality, which is deeply rooted in the history of colonisation and the semi-feudal society, contributed to these negative dimensions to some extent (Silva, 1998; Swan, 1997).

Defence expenditure has escalated to such a high level that it has definitely made the countryﾕs growth sluggish, educational improvement has also suffered[13]. It is reported that about 35% children in the conflict areas cannot read or write. Samath (2001) reports that Sri Lanka ﾔhas already lost billions of dollars in lost revenue, economic growth and human miseryﾕ due to ﾔthe world's longest-running internal conflictsﾕ (para. 2)[14].

3.3.2 Inequality between areas; Plantation sectors
Socio-economic inequality between areas can also be seen. Gamage (1997) examined poverty trends in Sri Lanka and found that poverty is more likely to be predominant in rural areas. Although the study couldn't find conclusive evidence to show the difference between ethnic groups, Ratnayake (1992 cited in Gamage, 1997) reported that poverty is a typical characteristic for land-less people. Plantation workers are the most likely to be so, and 80% of tea plantation workers are the Indian Tamils[15] (Samarasinghe, 1993).

The main plantation crops (tea, coconut and rubber) comprise over 90 % of the country's total export values (Kurian, 1982), tea is the principal plantation crop and earns the largest foreign exchange[16] (Samarasinghe, 1993). Despite the fact that plantation workers have made a considerable contribution to the country by generating economic revenues, their own standard of living, including their education, has been historically much lower than that of people in other sectors (Table 2). Tea plantation workers appear to be the most vulnerable as their lower wages show (Table 3).

Thus, the plantation workers could be regarded as one of the most disadvantaged groups in Sri Lanka. The working conditions in the plantation sector are unremunerative; long hours with scant wages. Primarily, it could be a consequence of the colonial export economy that needed a growing supply of unskilled workers who would work for low wages. The management practices in plantation industry have been authoritarian and coercive. Many workers live and work within the estate for their whole lives and have no chance to meet with outside groups, consequently, the kinship relations tend to be very close. This closed system could contribute to maintain the unequal plantation structure (Little, 1999; Kurian, 1982).

<Education System in plantation sectors>
In these conditions, the education system seems not to have been used as a means for the empowerment of workers, rather, it might contribute to confining them in oppression. Little (1999) argues, '[educational] function may be seen as a means of reproducing the knowledge and attitudes necessary for the continuation of the plantation system and community' (p.34). This is an example where education is used for 'deterioration'.

However, there is evidence that government tries to reach the unequal education system in plantation areas, which used to be mainly run by labour supervisors called 'kanganies' or by some missionaries (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994). In 1970s, most of the plantation schools[19] were taken over by the state in order to integrate them into the mainstream system[20]. Since then, foreign donor agencies have increased the funding available for estate schools and students. The Plantation Sector Education Development programme, one of the most famous programmes, was launched in 1986 in co-operation with SIDA[21] in order to improve both access and quality of education in plantation schools. Over this period of 12 years, considerable progress has been made in reducing the disparity between schools in different sectors. However, inequalities between children from plantation schools and mainstream schools still remain (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994; Little, 1999)

<Women's role in plantation sectors>
Adding to the above inequalities, gender inequalities are significant, especially in plantation sectors. This can be understood from the way that women have historically worked in plantations. In the plantation structure, 'kanganies' who supervise the labour work are usually men, and women are in a subordinate position. Women's wages were/are lower than the already low wages for men. Even after equal wages negotiations concluded in 1984, women's working time is still longer than that of men (Little, 1999). Unpaid household labour, which is generally considered as 'low' task, puts more burdens on women. These inequalities are deeply embedded in religious practices and the cast system which the Indian Tamils introduced in the colonial era (Kurian, 1982).

3.3.3. The Quality of Education
The other negative dimension of education in Sri Lanka is characterised by the high rate of educated unemployed, which is a phenomenon well known as 'the Diploma Disease'. The education system has expanded much faster than the expansion of modern economic sectors which are expected to increase the job opportunities (Dore, 1997). To get a 'decent' job, people tend to be urged to get higher credentials, consequently, an examination dominated curriculum has led to ritualistic learning. Meanwhile, vocational education has not been emphasised and has been a low priority throughout the period (Jayaweera, 1999). Ekanayake (1996) critically examines this situation and asserts the limitation of formal education, calling it the 'cult of formal education' (p.78).

Impressive gender equality scores do not necessarily mean that women have equal status in society. Higher unemployment rates for women than for men (Dore, 1997) illustrate Jayaweera's (1999) argument that equal or superior school enrolment rate does not mean that women have the same control over resources as men. Jayaweera (ibid.) adds that education processes may reinforce gender role stereotypes in Sri Lanka where 'both at home and at school girls are expected to be passive, modest and obedient', although 'there is no strong son preference' (p.178). This again implies that that education does not always work to transform individual lives and society, rather, it can work in the opposite way -reinforcing oppression.

3.4. Disabled people in Sri Lanka
3.4.1. The official picture
In 1995, the Ministry of Social Welfare officially estimated the population of disabled people in Sri Lanka at about 8% (Nakanishi, 2000a). The growth rate of the disabled population is 0.04 % higher than that of the whole population (Central Council of Disabled Persons, n.d.).

The fundamental rights of disabled people are guaranteed under the constitution Article 4, and the Act for the Protection of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities enacted in 1996. Also, the government has had primary and secondary educational provision for children with disabilities since 1939 (see Appendix 3[22] for further details).

The Ministry of Social Welfare is generally responsible for disability issues. From 1980 to 1990, 0.6 % of GNP was spent on social welfare and 0.005% for rehabilitation (Nakanishi, 1996). Special education is mainly administered at national level by the Ministry of Education and Higher Education on the basis of advice from the National Educational Commission[23], National Institute of Education[24] and Special Education Advisory Committee (UNESCO, 1996) (Appendix 1[25]). At the regional level, the Provincial Departments of Education implement Special Education programmes with the assistance of the Directors of Special Education and Special Education Teachers (UNESCO, 1996). The policy encourages 'inclusion' and specifies it as the goal of special education. However, education for children with disabilities currently has two approaches; one is the inclusion of disabled children to mainstream schools, and the other is special schools in separate setting from mainstream schools (Perera, 1999; MOEH[26], 1997, see Appendix 3).

Community Based Rehabilitation programmes (CBRs) have attracted the Sri Lankan government. CBRs emerged internationally as an alternative strategy for dealing with disability issues in the 1980s, in response to conventional approaches of 'institution-based rehabilitation', which were underpinned by the medical model of disabilities (Mendis, 1999). The conventional approaches mainly focus on the recovery of body functions by relying on professionals and do not take account of the socially constructed aspect of disability. CBRs have been introduced in many developing countries where resources tend to be scarce, because even such provision of service merely reaches only a tiny portion of those who need it, about 5% of disabled people (Chaudhury et al, 1995; Werner, 1995; Nakanishi and Kuno, 1997)[27].

Since 1992[28], the Ministry of Social Services (MOSS) have implemented CBRs in many districts as a national programme (MOSS[29], 2000; Nakanishi, 2000b). MOSS understands the objectives of CBRs as follows:

Prevention of disabilities, rehabilitation of the persons with disabilities, providing them with complete participation and equ[a]lity in the community and in development and implementation of effective procedures to achieve this.
(MOSS, 2000, para.2)

The programmes are implemented in co-operation with various agencies such as the Health Ministry, Ministry of Education, National Institute of Social Development. Currently 78,802 disabled people in 18 districts are under the national CBRs (MOSS, 2000).

3.4.2. The reality
Despite the official picture reviewed in the previous section, the situation I encountered in Sri Lanka gave me a different perspective:

　・　More than 80% of the children with disabilities in the Prithipra Infant Home[30] do not have a family. Most of them were sent from hospitals or abandoned in this home[31].

　・　17 out of 21 disabled people aged over 6 whom I met in the CBR programme do not or will not complete primary education[32].

　・　Disabled women in the Meth Sevana Children Home[33] had no appropriate support. For instance, teachers who were supposed to give basic education often did not come and there had even been shortage of proper food[34]. It looked as if they were merely given a place to live.

The above reality would indicate that the situation of disabled people in Sri Lanka is similar to that of disabled people in other developing countries.

Behind the official statistics, there appear to be a number of invisible people. The government does not seem to have the total figure, as people who are in poverty tend not to be registered and consequently are not able to receive public services. Disabled people generally fall into this category as examined in chapter 2.2. The conflicts could also affect the provision for social welfare in terms of attention and funding (Hastie, 1997). Therefore, not only do disabled people lack education, but also their families find it difficult even to provide them with health care. Furthermore, since education was not compulsory in Sri Lanka until 1997, the issue of whether disabled children were excluded from education or not has not been discussed so far (UNESCO, 1995). It is estimated that less than 1.6% of disabled children received basic education (Lynch, 1994).

Cultural and religious value seems to be ingrained in disability issues in Sri Lanka. It is 'Karma', which is a Sinhala-Buddhism belief that penetrates people's attitudes and helps them to explain their daily existence.

'Karma' [is] the law of moral causation and the associated belief in rebirth. Good deeds bear good fruit, either in this life or in a future rebirth, and bad deeds bear bad fruits. The present is the fruit of the past and the seed of the future.
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　(Little, 1988 p.5)

People tend to attribute disability to 'Karma' and see disability as a consequence of bad deeds in the past. Also, it makes disabled people stay in an oppressed position as passive recipients of charity. This can be understood from the custom, 'Danne'. 'Danne' is a kind of charity done with paternalistic attitudes whereby people donate food, clothes, stationary or money etc. for welfare institutions. People make a 'Danne' to accumulate 'good deeds' for the future and to overcome the bad deeds of the past, and many welfare institutes actually manage to run on 'Danne'.

This illustrates that disabled people in Sri Lanka do not seem to be an exception to what is highlighted in the literature review. The accurate number of the disabled people is not easy to quantify, the legislation or policy documents mandating educational provision do not always work effectively and do not necessarily ensure disabled people's rights. Also, the cultural and religious values deeply affect the disability issues. It is on this group of invisible people that the project is going to focus.

[1] According to Gamage (1997), Sri Lanka traditionally adopts a three-fold classification of sectors: rural, estate and urban. The estate sector mainly consists of plantation. In this paper, 'plantation' and 'estate' are used interchangeably.
[2] Estimated in 1998. Apart from them, there are 629 non-governmental schools (Perera, 1999)
[3] Appendix 1: Administrative Structure and Education System in Sri Lanka
[4] Tamil medium accounts for 3% of the total number of schools (Johnson et al., 2000)
[5] Educational provision for disabled children will be descried in chapter 3.4.
[6] Source: Perera, 1999
[7] High income countries: GNP per capita of $ 9,361 or more
　 Middle income countries: GNP per capita of $ 761-9,360
　 Low income countries: GNP per capita of $760 or less (source: UNDP, 2000)
[8] GNP per capita of $ 709 in 1996 (World Bank, 1999)
　 GNP per capita of $ 800 in 1997 (World Bank, 2000)
[9] High human development countries: HDI 0.800 and above
　 Middle human development countries: HDI 0.500-0.799
　 Low human development countries: HDI below 0.500 (source: UNDP, 2000)
[10] Appendix 2: Educational performance of Sri Lanka
[11] The colonial period in Sri Lanka is from 1796 to 1948
[12] For example, Sri Lankan government has implemented the Education for Conflict Resolution Project as a part of national curriculum in primary schools since 1992 in order to alleviate the ethnic conflict (Bellamy, 1999). The Plantation Sector Education Development Programme, which will be explained in chapter 3.2.2, is the other example.
[13] Military expenditure increased from 2.9% of GNP in 1985 to 4.6 in 1995, which is far more than that for education (3.1%) in 1995 (World Bank, 1999, 2000).
[14] See Footnote 13 in this section.
[15] Estate workers in Sri Lanka are generally either Indian Tamils or Sinhalese who live in villages located along the outskirts of the estates. Sinhalese prominently engage in rubber and coconut plantations and it is post 1977 that the number of Sinhalese tea plantation workers marked increase (Kurian, 1982).
[16] The contribution of tea to the total value of industrial and agricultural experts declined from 31 % in 1981 to 13 % in 1994 but the export earnings more than doubled (Little, 1999). Little (ibid.) explains the reason for this is that global over-supply, falling prices and the competition in the globalised market.
[17] Source: Distribution income: Consumer Finance Survey 1981/82, 1985/86 (n.d.) in Gamage, 1997, p.65.
　Literacy rate: Department of Census and Statistics, Central Bank of Ceylon (n.d.), in: Jayaweera,
1999, p.181.
　School avoidance rate: Consumer Finance and Socio-Economic Survey 1981/82, Central Bank of
Ceylon (1984), in Sivasithambaram and Peiris 1994, p.69.
[18] Source: Samaranayake, 1995.
[19] The number is about 750 (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994)
[20] The government had been discussing this since 1945. It was only in the 1970s that the project was carried out (Little, 1999).
[21] SIDA: Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency
[22] Appendix 3: Legislation related to the disabled people's rights and the provision of Special Education
[23] National Education Commission: An advisory body to government in matters of reform and innovation, co-ordination and the rationalisation of educational policies.
[24] National Institute of Education: Responsible for curriculum development, teacher training, educational management, research studies on Education
[25] Appendix 1: Administrative Structure and Education System in Sri Lanka
[26] MOEH: Ministry of Education and Higher Education
[27] Chaudhury (1995) et al estimate it about 5 %, while Nakanishi and Kuno (1997) say that service covers less than 2%. This may show how unreliable the data about disabled people are. However, both show that the institutional based provision covers only a small number of disabled people.
[28] It was 1980 that a CBR was implemented in Sri Lanka for the first time (MOSS, 2000).
[29] MOSS: Ministry of Social Service
[30] A residential home for disabled children run by a local NGO. The home was founded by Dr. Bryan de Kretser in 1962 and now caters services to over 220 children and adults with various mental and physical disabilities in co-operation with its two sister homes.
[31] Source: interview to the Director of Prithipra Infant Home
[32] Source: interview to the CBR workers and disabled people and their family
[33] A governmental residential home for disabled women aged over 13, founded in 1996.
[34] Source: interview to a volunteer who is assigned to improve the situation of the Meth Sevana Children Home.

Chapter 4
Setting the Scene: the Context in Neluwa

In this chapter, the focus narrows down to the specific area, Neluwa, in which the project will be set. Exploring the micro level issues will highlight how much the global and Sri Lankan pictures reviewed in the previous chapters are replicated, and also identify the specific issues within this area. Understanding the specific situation is indispensable in proposing an innovation, especially one for people that government initiated innovations tend not to reach, because, as discussed in chapter 2, these programmes often fail to reflect the particular aspects of each situation and the subjective realities of those involved. This helps to consider what is required to make the proposed innovation effective by identifying specific factors in Neluwa.

However, it should be kept in mind that source of the information is rather restricted. There are no available data for this specific area except those from the project manager of the SSCBR[1] and my own experience. Moreover, the source of his information is not known. The lack of information could be seen as another case of invisibility regarding disabled people.

4.1. Socio-economic background
Neluwa is located in the north-east part of the Galle district, in the southern part of the country (Appendix[2] 4 ). According to Brahmana (2001), the project manager of SSCBR, the area of Neluwa is 1,513 km2 with an estimated population of 27,836 in about 5,700 households. Geographically, it is very mountainous and there are many forests, and roads and transport facilities are not always in good conditions. For example, many streams and rivers have no bridges, even in inhabited areas.

The main industry is plantation. Tea is the principal plantation crop[3] and there are 11 tea factories with an area of 350 km2 (ibid.) In the country as a whole, the majority of the ethnic groups in plantation areas are Indian Tamils who are mostly Hindus by religion, but in Neluwa, Sinhalese of the Buddhist faith constitute the majority. However, irrespective of ethnicity, the area is rather poor. This can be seen by the fact that 2,337 families out of about 5,700 receive some financial aid[4] and 1,173 do not have toilet facilities, which implies the low level of hygiene in the area (ibid.). As for the social resources, there are 20 temples, one government hospital and 2 government dispensaries, four family health centres and one government Ayurvedic centre in which traditional medical treatments are provided.

Focusing on education, there are 16 public schools for the compulsory grades with 231 teachers and 5611 pupils (Table 4). Many of those schools are located in geographically difficult places, far away from the main road (ibid.). None of them have special units for children with disabilities and there is no special school. As in other plantation areas, Neluwa seems to be disadvantaged in its educational situation as well. The estimated participation rate of non-disabled children is 76%, which is lower than the country's official measures, and furthermore there seem to be some children who do not fully attend the classes (ibid.). The general drop out rate is 8%. The data relating to the educational situation for disabled children are very limited and we only know about those who SSCBR has covered, which will be examined in the following section. This again indicates how invisible disabled people are.

From the perspective of the project manager of SSCBR, the reasons for low attendance and high drop out seem to be mainly attributable to geographical difficulties, the family's economic situation, or lack of encouragement to study from parents, who are themselves often uneducated. Adding to this, the quality of education seems to be doubtful, which is shown by the low attendance of teachers.

4.2. Disabled people in Neluwa
Considering the above situation, disabled people in Neluwa can be considered as one of the most disadvantaged groups in Sri Lanka. The vicious cycle of poverty and disability (Figure 3) can be seen in the Neluwa's context. Firstly, the geographical features do not favour disabled people, especially for those who have physical impairments. Steep areas, which do not allow people to use motor bikes or cars, tend to confine disabled people in their own homes without sufficient support. This means that it is not easy for them to have access to services, even to health care, nor is it easy for the service deliverer to provide the services for them. From my personal experience from visiting the area, I found that it was not easy even for a person without impairment to move around these escarpments.

Secondly, economic disadvantage does not work in the favour of disabled people. Many parents and other members of the community are busy working for the plantations under poor conditions, as examined in chapter 3.3.2. Their unremunerable working conditions seem not to allow them to fully take care of disabled children physically and mentally. Economic disadvantage and low health conditions often exist side by side. It is reported that many disabled children in Neluwa additionally have some kind of disease, such as colds, pneumonia, scabies, rashes, etc. (Brahmana, 2001) The vicious cycle of poverty and disability (Figure 3) also applies here.

Thirdly, as in the other areas in Sri Lanka, cultural and religious values regarding disability seems to be deeply ingrained. When their own children are born with some impairment, people tend to attribute it to 'Karma', and some people go to faith healers or palm readers for a remedy. When asked about the image of disability, the answer is usually rather negative; 'pity', 'indifference' 'hopeless', 'useless' etcﾉ (ibid.).

4.3. Sarvodaya Suwasetha CBR: the main body of the innovation implementation
One of the major support for disabled people is provided by the Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation programme (SSCBR) implemented by a local NGO, the Sarvodaya Shramadana Sangamaya[6]. In 1985, which is before CBRs were implemented as national programmes in Sri Lanka, SSCBR launched the programme independently from the government programmes with the assistance of foreign NGOs. SSCBR covers 19 villages[7] in two districts in the southern part of the nation; Kalutara and Galle (Appendix 4[8]).

Though my involvement in the SSCBR was for a limited time, I could see that it is doing relatively well overall compared to CBRs implemented in other places, both in Sri Lanka and other developing countries[9]. The reasons for this are partly that it has a long history, covers any kind of disability and provides a variety of services in co-operation with other actors in the communities[10], such as schools, medical facilities, religious facilities etc. (Appendix 5[11]). Frequently conducted awareness programmes are also vital to the success of the SSCBR programme. SSCBR has regarded raising awareness about disability as crucial to changing the attitudes towards disability. SSCBR has been conducting this programme for a variety of actors in the community; school children, pregnant/nursing mothers, disabled persons and their families, village committee members, religious leaders and Buddhist schools, etc. (Sarvodaya Suwasetha Sewa Society, 1999). A further reason for the success of the SSCBR is that the initiative is taken by local people. All the staff, which consists of one project manager, two district managers and eight field workers supported by about 180 volunteers, is members of the community (Appendix 6[12]). Moreover, they have a variety of training as service providers to people with different kinds of disability.

Focusing on increasing opportunities of education for disabled children, SSCBR has developed provision, though each case is decided on an individual basis. For instance, SSCBR discusses whether local schools can accept a child with disability. When children cannot go to school because of the economic problems, SSCBR supplies school materials. When prior support to catch up with other children is needed, SSCBR arranges for special sessions to be conducted by volunteers in children's home or sends them to pre-schools. However, it is difficult to know to what extent SSCBR has tackled the problems that disabled people face within a whole picture in those areas, because there is no base-line data on disabilities.

In Neluwa, SSCBR started their activities in 1994 and currently covers 42 disabled children and 250 disabled adults (Table 5). However, again, the whole picture of the situation of disabled people in Neluwa is lacking and what is not known is to what extent SSCBR is actually tackling the problems. SSCBR may have to tackle the invisibility of disabled people, rather than to target how far they have overcome the problems.

Utilising the rich experience in other areas, SSCBR has established a co-operative relationship with medical facilities and some schools in the area. Since many disabled people/children have some kinds of disease, the first task when the field worker meets a disabled person/child is to refer them to the dispensary, and when the disabled people/child has complicated impairments, he/she is referred to the hospital for basic diagnosis. The health centres are also used for providing vaccinations for disabled children, and for awareness programmes. In some schools, awareness programmes and medical clinics are sometimes held (Table 6). Some disabled children have been accepted in schools with SSCBR's help. However, the whole participation rate of disabled children seems to be much lower than that of non-disabled children in the area. The reasons for this will be examined later in this section.

One of the important tasks for SSCBR is to help economically disadvantaged families to get monthly subsidies, as they tend to be too busy earning a subsistence or lack access to the information. It is especially difficult for those who live in remote places to follow the necessary procedures.
Through the activities of the past 8 years, the project manager of SSCBR and the field worker in Neluwa feel that people in the area have gradually started to change their negative attitudes. However, there is no indication of how and how much people have changed their attitudes.

Despite the successes of the SSCBR, there still seem to be challenges, especially in Neluwa. Firstly, in all the other areas covered by SSCBR, volunteers have been vital for working with/for disabled people, but this is not the case in Neluwa. Although there used to be some volunteers, SSCBR was forced to break up the volunteer group because of its socio-economic situation. Geographical features make visits to disabled people and monthly meetings difficult, also people who are economically disadvantaged are generally too busy earning a subsistence to act fully as volunteers[15]. As a result, the number of volunteers was limited and their vital action couldn't be sustained. Currently, a field worker is the only one who plans and implements the daily activities to support disabled people. Consequently, the focus tends to be on providing minimum medical treatment rather than providing a wide range of support including education, which shows that the medical model of disability appears to be dominant throughout the programme.

Secondly, the link between disability and economic disadvantages seems to be persistent, as reviewed in chapter 2 and 3. Currently SSCBR has worked with 19 families with disabled school age children (Table 5). Ten of those families are either unemployed or do not have a steady income, seven are working with a low income and only two are financially stable (Brahmana 2001). As examined in Chapter 3, the economic disadvantage that disabled people face is historically and socially constructed. Although SSCBR has provided financial support or measures for self-employment, it tends to be ad hoc and it may be too ambitious for a single grass-root activity to make a radical change of the social structure happen. However, more involvement of the members of the community would contribute to improve the whole situation.

Thirdly, the participation rate of disabled children is still low in Neluwa, although SSCBR has helped disabled children to receive basic education. Currently, with the support of SSCBR, eight children out of 19 have been accepted in some local schools and two children with visual impairment are attending a special boarding school for the blind. However the remaining eight[16] are not attending school due to disability, economic problems, or both.

Moreover, it is likely that there are other disabled people whom SSCBR has not covered, because geographical difficulties do not allow the field worker to have access to them. In reality, there are some areas, like those located in remote areas, which SSCBR has not fully accessed yet. Again, if there were more involvement by volunteers working with the field worker, the area that SSCBR covers could be expanded.

Finally, changing attitudes towards disability is not easy regardless of who take the initiative for change. They cannot be changed unless people perceive the need themselves, as examined in chapter 2. It requires a continuous approach and support with taking a long time. More active participation of people in the community seems to be crucial. Community involvement in the project would also benefit the SSCBR in improving the quality of the programme by helping them to overcome those challenges.

[1] Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation programme
[2] Appendix 4: Map of Sri Lanka and Neluwa
[3] Comparing the area size of each crop, tea plantation accounts for about 74% of the whole plantation area (Brahmana, 2001)
[4] 2061 families out of 2,337 families receive 'Samurdhi', monthly subsidies from government (Brahmana, 2001)
[5] Source, Brahmana, 2001
[6] The Sarvodaya Shramadana Sangamaya is one of the best known local NGOs in Sri Lanka, which was established in 1962 by Sr. A. Ariyaratne (ESCAP*, 1996). It is well known world-wide due to its unique philosophy and strategy for community development. Suwasetha Sewa is one of the 8 legally independent units which takes charge of social services. Sarvodaya Shramadana mean ' sharing of time, thoughts and energy for the awakening of all' in Sanskrit. (Ekanayake, 1999)
*ESCAP: Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
[7] Some villages are partly covered, as shown in Appendix 4.
[8] Appendix 4: Map of Sri Lanka and Neluwa
[9] See Nakanishi (2000b) and Nakanishi and Kuno (1997) for the other case studies of CBRs in different places.
[10] In this paper, the term 'community' refers to the village which is administratively demarcated. However, it would need to be acknowledged that defining the exact 'community' to be involved tends to be the essential problem especially in the CBR field, because there are vastly different interests, for example disabled people, their family members, professionals and bureaucrats whose needs are varied (Boyce and Lysak, 2000).
[11] Appendix 5: SSCBR's statistics for the year 1999
[12] Appendix 5: Administrative structure of SSCBR
[13] Source: Sarvodaya Suwasetha Sewa Society, 1999
[14] Source: Sarvodaya Suwasetha Sewa Society, 1999
[15] According to the interviews with the project manager and the field worker in Neluwa.
[16] There is no data for the other one child.

Chapter 5
The Innovation

This chapter discusses the theoretical approach of the innovation. As previously explained, the target group of this project is the invisible people who are left behind in government initiated innovations. This study intends to use a phenomenological approach, in which participation by those affected is central, in order to reflect fully the cultural attitudinal factors related to the change. The first section examines phenomenological and participatory approaches. The reason why these approaches are appropriate for this innovation will be considered, and the strengths and weaknesses of the approaches will also be highlighted. The second section reviews one of the participatory approaches, 'Child-to-Child', that this study is going to apply. Finally, I will analyse how inclusive education, CBR and the Child-to-Child approach complement each other.

5.1. Methodology
5.1.1. Conventional approach
Government-initiated innovations often adopt an objective approach. Advantage of this could be that, by viewing the whole picture, relatively large-scale and radical change is possible. This fact is illustrated by the substantial progress in EFA over the past decade. However, as Havelock and Huberman (1978) argue, although the systems model, one of the most extreme form of the objective approach, is not always associated with a 'top-down' approach, it is the most frequently used strategy whilst 'participative problem-solving strategy' is the least. This classical analysis seems to be still valid. Fullan (1991), who takes a subjective stance for change, asserts that it is essential to understand the situation at both micro and macro levels for successful change, but the enormous number of unsuccessful social reforms arise from the neglect of small pictures, -the subjective realities of those involved. He continues that, when the reform is undertaken at large-scale, in which numerous agencies are involved at different levels, it is not easy to take account of the different perspective of those involved. This could be a major reason why large-scale reforms tend to fail to reach desirable outcomes at the micro level. Consequently some groups of people can be overlooked and left behind, and these are often powerless people who need support the most.

5.1.2. Phenomenological and participatory approach
The phenomenological approach sees change as 'a process of coming to grips with the multiple realities of people, who are the main participants in implementing change', and so 'the innovations are not ends in themselves' (Fullan, 1991, p.95, p.28). This approach stresses the role of the individual and emphasises taking the subjective reality of those affected on board. In this sense, innovations based on this approach should be bottom-up, participatory, and not be directive and prescriptive. Studies have proven that this approach has potential for uncovering the realities by giving voice to the voiceless (Chambers and Blackburn, 1996). Fullan (1993) reminds ourselves that 'every person is a change agent' (p.22), and specifically 'educational change is a learning experience for the adults involved as well as for children' (1991, p.66) Thus, participation is one of the key components of the phenomenological approach.

Participation has a variety of meanings stemming from diverse roots (Boyce and Lysack, 2000; Rebien, 1996). Drawing on Shaeffer (1994), 'participation' refers to the concept along a continuum from passive forms at one end to more active forms at the other (Figure 4). The more active form of participation can bring greater and more sustainable change.

71	As real decision-makers at every stage	ActivePassive
	As implementers of delegated powers
	As a partner to other actors
	Through consultation or feedback on a particular issue
	As an attendant: passive recipient of the other's decision
	Through the contribution of resources, materials and labour
	The mere use of a service

The participatory approach took off in the 1980s as the focus of development discourse transformed from merely economic-growth to human development (Korten, 1990; Chambers, 1992). Considering this history, it could be said that the participatory approach stemmed from concerns about the unsuccessful outcomes and the limitations of conventional methods, which tended to use a top-down, authoritarian approach and failed to capture the complex and diverse reality of each situation. The participatory approach also emphasises participation and processes, which empower powerless people by enabling them to express and analyse the realities of their lives and to plan what action to take (Chambers and Blackburn, 1996).

Through the process of change, each affected actor would find the meaning of change to each subjective reality. The better the subjective meaning of change is understood, the more exactly the change will meet the specific needs of those it was designed to help. Thus, plans based on this approach need to be flexible and adaptive. Shaeffer (1994) adds the benefits of this approach, saying that it can also lead to 'changes in knowledge, attitudes, skills and the distribution of power across individuals and communities' and to 'services more sustainable over time' (p.191). He continues that the participatory approach can bring benefits to individuals, communities and society at large. In sum, the strengths of this approach are highlighted in Box 1. ;

Considering the nature of the proposed innovation, this study which extensively focuses on invisible people intends to use a participatory approach within phenomenological stance. The project aims to promote social change working with invisible people at grass-roots level. And the target group is those who left behind in conventional approaches because they are not flexible enough to take account of micro level realities. The participatory approach has the potential to reflect fully the target group's multiple realities, by encouraging them to become active change agents. Moreover, this innovation needs to engage with changing people's attitude towards disability and also tackling the possible stereotypes. These are based on the historically and socially constructed cultural values, which will not be changed by directive approaches. The sustainable change will be brought about only when people understand the meaning of change.

However, this approach 'should not be seen as a new panacea' (Shaeffer, 1994 p.191), and like the objective approach, it also has limitations. Fullan (1991) states that 'intrinsic dilemmas in the change process...make successful change a highly complex and subtle social process' (p.66). Khalteli et al (1995) stress from their experience in Lesotho that a bottom-up approach to promoting inclusive education is likely to result in little impact on the system as a whole, especially when there is weak conceptual understanding of specific issues in meeting the needs of disabled children.

Another limitation of the participatory approach is that it is time consuming and the level of participation/involvement of each actor cannot always be maintained at the same level. If good facilitators[2] are lacking, power relationship among actors may emerge and the approach will result in being 'top-down'. Moreover, it is extremely difficult to change attitudes and beliefs, and they are difficult to measure. Hence, there are risks that 'two forms of nonchange' will occur: (1) 'false clarity' -people think that they have changed but have only assimilated the superficial trappings of the new practice, and (2) 'painful unclarity' -when unclear innovations are attempted under conditions that do not support the development of the subjective meaning of the change, people often feel fear to change (Fullan, 1991, p.34-35). In order for change to be implemented successfully, both the strengths and weaknesses of the approach should be kept in mind. The weaknesses of this approach are highlighted in Box. 2.

In order to overcome the weaknesses of the participatory approach, as Fullan (1991) argues, 'objective reality' also needs to be understood 'as an essential precondition for formulating our own subjective response' (p.36). His claim is that innovation is 'multidimensional', and for feasible and lasting change to take place, it necessitates interventions to occur on at least three dimensions: materials, approaches and beliefs (p.37). An extreme form of either approach will not bring about positive changes; 'top-down strategies cause grief but no relief, bottom-up approaches produce the odd spurt but eventually drown in a sea of inertia' (Fullan, 1999, p.29). In making a positive change happen, it is important to understand the strengths and weaknesses of each approaches, so that each strength can complement the other weakness.

5.1.2. Monitoring and Evaluation
In the past, only limited attention has been paid to monitoring and evaluation (M&E) (Moegiadi et al, 1994). However, M&E are 'essential components of all management strategies' and should be integral part of the innovation. (Rondinelli et al, 1990, p.108).

The distinction between monitoring and evaluation is often blurred and they are often used interchangeably (Hoppers and Little, 1994). Monitoring is sometimes considered part of formative evaluation (Herman et al. 1987). However, it is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the terminology, therefore, the following definition (Box 3) will be used in this paper.

This study also considers M&E as an essential component of a successful innovation. Monitoring is important because attitudinal changes are difficult to measure and cannot be quantified. Thus, continuous monitoring is needed to check whether subjective realities are reflected adequately in the programme and to adapt the project in an on going process when it is necessary. Evaluation is also important to judge the overall effectiveness of the project and whether or not it deserves to continue. Moreover, through the evaluation, those affected by the project will understand how much impact they have gained and how far the situation has changed them.

Taking account of the nature of the project, which puts emphasis on the participation of those affected, the process of M&E should also be participatory. Conventional M&E often takes a predetermined objective approach, where senior managers or outside experts plan and manage the process and the stakeholders, who are the intended beneficiaries, are only provided with information by them (Gujit and Gaventa, 1998). On the other hand, participatory M&E takes an adaptive approach, and involves all the stakeholders, local people, project staff, managers and others in designing, adapting the methodology, collecting and analysing information, and linking them to action (ibid.). Rebien (1996) defines it as 'a problem-solving process, where intervention stakeholders in a joint effort, systematically collect and analyse data on the project and use that information to change implementation accordingly' (p.173). Thus, for this study, it would be indispensable to involve both disabled and non-disabled children, their families, teachers and volunteers, with facilitation by staff of SSCBR.

However, it should be noted that participatory M&E also has limitations, which are similar to the weaknesses in the participatory approach (see Box 2). Furthermore, it is difficult to implement participatory M&E when the project is a large scale, due to the large numbers of stakeholders who are required to share the process and information (Rebien, ibid.). Thus, as Fullan (1991) claims, a change can be more effective when both subjective and objective M&E are integrated. Conventional and participatory M&E need to be complementary.

5.2. The Child-to-Child Approach
As discussed in the previous section, participation is the key factor of this innovation. Children's participation especially needs to be taken on board for this study, because the main focus of this innovation is children who need the removal of barriers to participation and learning. 'Child-to-Child' is one of the participatory approaches which sees children's participation as central (Figure 5).

The debate surrounding participation has led to an awareness of the need for groups of powerless people, previously ignored, to take a central role. However, children are likely to be seen as 'a different sort of category' and 'seen as ignorant -to be taught; irresponsible -to be disciplined; immature, -to be brought up; incapable -to be protected; a nuisance. Children from low social groups, like girls and disabled, are particularly looked down upon (Chambers, 1998, p.xvi).

Yet, as Fullan (1991) claims, the importance of children's equal involvement also needs to be taken on board. Child-to Child is an approach which advocates children being seen as active change agents and not just receivers. This is based on the belief that children, together with their teacher, can become 'locksmiths' who understand both the nature of the locks; specific local contexts of their family and community, and how to make appropriate keys; appropriate and sensitive measures to improve specific situations (Pridmore, 1998 p.120). Also, children are believed to have the power to spread the messages and practices, which are gained from the key making process, to other children, families and the members of communities (Pridmore and Stephen, 2000; Somerset, 1987).

The Child-to-Child approach was originally formulated for education for health promotion, with the influence of major theories of education, which are shown in Box 4. However, when this process of development and the principles mentioned in the previous paragraph are considered, Child-to-Child would not need to be limited to education for health promotion. In fact, the approach has been applied to broader educational perspective in many countries seeking to bring children into partnership with adults to improve the living conditions of the community (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.; Somerset, ibid.; Obeng, 1998).

The aims of Child-to-Child are to assist and enrich learning and teaching by making the process more active, child-centred, participatory and relevant with a belief that children can enjoy learning and understand what learning means through the process (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.; Somerset, ibid.). Alongside this idea, a number of methods have been developed over period of time. The emphasis of those methods is active learning and teaching by a step-by-step process, which could be conducted in different learning environment. The key elements of the methods are highlighted in the following Box 5 and 6.

・ Step-by-step process　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　

	Learning place　　　　　　　　　　　　Living place (Class/School) 　　(Home/Community)
Awareness raising		・Learn about an issue and understand ・Find our more about the issue at home/ community with peers
Critical thinking		・Discuss findings and think about how to improve the situation
Action		・Make a plan for action ・Carry out plan
Reflection		・Discuss the action and the results ・Reflect on the experience and present it
Evaluate		・Evaluate through discussion ・Plan a better action/ next step
Carry on with Actions

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　

(Referred to Pridmore and Stephens, 2000; Soboh, 1997; Kassam- Khamis, 2000)

By conducting activities in different learning places, the approach can strengthen relationships between school, home and community. Also, the approach intends to involve many actors in the community and sees that children can play an active role in educating other children, family and community (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.; Somerset, ibid.). This is how children can be change agents for community development.

As seen above, Child-to-Child is part of participatory and phenomenology approaches (Figure 5), which emphasises the process and takes an adoptive approach. The weaknesses of phenomenological and participatory approach (Box 1) should be also kept in mind in using Child-to-Child. In addition, 'inevitable' power relationships between adults and children should be taken into account (Adams, 1998). In this approach, although adults are expected to complement children's role as facilitators, they tend to take a patronising or over-directive stance due to the traditional view of children which has restricted children's participation (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.). Especially in traditional non-western culture where there is a strong hierarchical social structure, it is not easy for younger children to pass messages to elder children and adults, and this approach is likely to encounter resistance (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.; Otaala et al, 1994).

From my personal observation, this limitation may be applied in the Sri Lankan context. Sri Lanka has a culture of obedience to position power based on age, educational level and social status. The factor of age seems to be especially strong and generally elder people are treated with respect. This may mean that it would not be always easy for younger persons to speak out to the elders.

However, if this point is sensitively dealt with, it can pose 'a fundamental threat to adult/child power relationships, which makes its institutionalization a great challenge' (Johnson et al, 1998 p.175). Lessons can be learned from a successful case in Botswana.

The Child-to Child approach was used as a school based programme in Botswana for the purpose of health promotion (Otaala, et al, 1994). Although the notion of children helping each other seems to be highly acceptable in Botswana's cultural norm, passing messages from younger to elder, especially to adults, goes against the norm that children have a lower status within the strongly hierarchical social structure (Pridmore and Stephens, 2000). Considering this cultural norm, the programme focused on what the older children could do to introduce skills for health promotion to children at pre-school age, and named elder children 'little teacher' (Pridmore and Stephens, 2000; Otaala, et al, 1994). Teachers were responsible for implementing the programme and in order to overcome the barrier which comes from children's lower position in relation to adults, they strongly encouraged members of the community to be fully engaged with the programme (ibid.). Due to their facilitation, parents frequently came to school and talked about what their children had been doing in the programme, this led to the programme's success.

In conclusion, the Child-to-Child approach would be applied to this project taking cultural values into consideration. Firstly, it would be applied to promote inclusive education. Warner (1998) states that 'disabled and non-disabled children interrelate and learn from each other through play, work, joint adventures, and creative problem-solving' (p.286). These are the methods emphasised in the Child-to-Child approach. Secondly, it would be appropriate for places like Neluwa where adults are too busy to work fully as volunteers, though, needless to say, the children would need to be supported by adults, such as CBR workers, teachers and parents. Finally, the process of active learning would benefit all the children in the area by challenging the prevailing discourse of rote learning which seems to be brought about by examination oriented schooling.

5.3. The