MA in International Education 2000/2001
University of Sussex Institute of Education

Promoting Inclusive Education in Neluwa,
a Tea Plantation Area in Sri Lanka,
through the Community Based Rehabilitation Programme

August, 2001

Supervisor: Dr. Angela Jacklin

Dissertation submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
MA in International Education

Table of Contents


1.1. Rationale and Overview of the innovation    1
1.2. Aims and Objectives    2
1.2.1. Aims    2
1.2.2. Objectives    3
1.3. Structure of this paper    4
2.1. Education and Development    5
2.2. Disabled People in Developing Countries    8
2.2.1. Disabled people in development discourse    8
2.2.2. Disabled people in developing countries    12
2.2.3. Gender and Disability    14
2.3. Inclusive Education    15
3.1. Country Context    19
3.2. Official Picture of Sri Lanka; Positive dimensions    20
3.3. Negative dimensions; the existence of invisible people    21
3.3.1 Inequality between Ethnic groups    22
3.3.2 Inequality between areas; Plantation sectors    22
3.3.3. The Quality of Education    25
3.4. Disabled people in Sri Lanka    25
3.4.1. The official picture    25
3.4.2. The reality    27
4.1. Socio-economic background    30
4.2. Disabled people in Neluwa    32
4.3. Sarvodaya Suwasetha CBR: the main body of the innovation implementation    33
5.1. Methodology    39

5.1.1. Conventional approach    39
5.1.2. Phenomenological and participatory approach    40
5.1.2. Monitoring and Evaluation     43
5.2. The Child-to-Child Approach    45
5.3. The Relationship between 'Inclusive Education', 'CBR' and the 'Child-to-Child approach'    49
6.1. Expected outcomes    55
6.2. Implementation strategies    56
6.2.1. The order of priority of the objectives    56
6.2.2. Setting achievable targets    56
6.2.3. Facilitators of the project    57
6.2.4. Selection of schools    58
6.2.5. Target group    58
6.3. Possible obstacles    59
6.3.1. Resistance to the innovation    59
6.3.2. Cultural considerations    61
6.3.3. Funding    62
6.4. Designing a plan for the innovation in year 1    63
6.4.1. Preparation 66
6.4.2. First cycle -Phase 1    67
6.4.3. First cycle -Phase 2    68
6.4.4. First cycle -Phase 3    69
6.4.5. First cycle -Phase 4    70
6.4.6. First cycle -Phase 5    71
6.4.7. Evaluation    71
6.5. Designing a plan for the innovation in year 2    72
6.5.1. The second cycle of the project    73
6.5.2. Setting the project in the other school    73


I would like to express my sincere appreciation to all people who supported me in so many ways while working on this paper and pursuing the degree. I cannot include the names of all those, but, acknowledging doing injustice to those not mentioned, I would like firstly to thank Dr. Angela Jacklin for her untiring and tolerant supervision and encouragement.

Particular thanks are due to Mr. Nandasena Brahmana and the field workers of Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation programme for generously giving me any opportunities to understand the programme and the specific situation disabled people in Sri Lanka face, and sparing their time and providing me necessary information. Also, people with disabilities and their families have inspired me for this paper. Without meeting them, this paper would not have been written.

Finally, but foremost, I wish to thank all friends of mine, particularly Tharcisse Ukizintambara, Sarah Healy, Kenji Kuno, Ikuko Suzuki and my course mates for their technical, academic support and extensive encouragement whenever I faced difficulties. My special thanks are also extended to my family who have all encouraged me to start, enjoy and finish this degree. Without all of them, including those who are not mentioned here, I could not have completed this paper and degree.

List of Figures

Figure 1: Model of disability: The Medical Model 9
Figure 2: Model of disability: The Social Model 11
Figure 3: Vicious cycle of Poverty and Disability 13
Figure 4: The Degree of Participation 40
Figure 5: The Child-to-Child approach 45

List of Tables

Table 1: Type of Government School in Sri Lanka 20
Table 2: Comparison of socio-economic indicators between sectors 23
Table 3: Monthly income of each occupation in 1986/87 23
Table 4: Public schools in Neluwa 32
Table 5: Number of people with disabilities covered by SSCBR 35
Table 6: The Relation between SSCBR and local schools 36
Table 7: The practical reasons of the importance of disabled people's involvement 51
Table 8: The commonality between CBR and Inclusive Education 53
Table 9: Overview of a plan for the innovation on year 1 63

List of Boxes

Box 1: The strength of Phenomenological and Participatory Approach 41
Box 2: The Weakness of Phenomenological and Participatory Approaches 43
Box 3: Definition of Monitoring and Evaluation 44
Box 4: The Major Educational Influences on Child-to-Child 46
Box 5: Key elements of the Child-to-Child approach 1: Active learning and teaching 47
Box 6: Key elements of the Child-to-Child approach 2: Step by step process 47
Box 7: Summary of the training guidelines 68
Box 8: The Purpose of the presentation 71
Box 9: The points to be discussed in the collective meeting for the evaluation 72

List of Abbreviations

CBR Community Rehabilitation Programme
DFID The Department for International Development
EENET The Enabling Education Network
EFA Education for All
ESCAP The Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
ILO The International Labour Office
MOEH Ministry of Education and Higher Education
M&E Monitoring and Evaluation
MOSS Ministry of Social Service
NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
SIDA Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency
SSCBR Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation programme
SSpSch Sarvodaya Special School
UNDP The United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
UNICEF The United Nations International Children's Educational Fund
WHO The World Health Organisation


The need for education for all (EFA) has reached international consensus with the Jomtien World Conference regarded as a milestone. Most national governments have made efforts towards the realisation of EFA. However, the learning needs of disabled children have still not been sufficiently addressed. In developing countries in general, the challenge is huge, as disabled people tend to be 'invisible'.

This general picture can also be seen in Sri Lanka, which officially has impressive social indicators including those in the area of education. In particular, disabled people who live in rural areas tend to be little focus. Governmental efforts towards equal status are unlikely to reach disabled people. The complex and multifaceted relationship between disability and poverty seem to be in inescapable.

In this study, the conceptual model surrounding disabled people is outlined using the relevant literature. This would elicit marginalised experience of disabled people, which could be argued as ヤmicrocosm of the whole development process'. The focus will be narrowed down to the specific context of Neluwa in Sri Lanka. A proposal to promote inclusive education through an existing programme, the Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation Programme (SSCBR), will be developed.

The main focus of this project would be to work towards the removal of barriers to disabled children's participation in primary education, by promoting inclusive education using a participatory approach. Hopefully this piece of work will also challenge the prevailing discourse in schooling in Sri Lanka characterised as 'the Diploma Disease'. The proposed innovation ultimately aims to raise community awareness regarding disability, which can contribute to empowering the marginalised community as a whole. ヤDisabled people can show us a different way, and lead us into an approach to development based on the profound human value of respect for each individual life' (Coleridge, 1993, p.11).

Chapter 1

1.1. Rationale and Overview of the innovation
Education is arguably the key for a better individual life and also a better society. This is made manifest by the fact that there is international consensus on the need for education for all (EFA), with Jomtien World Conference (UNESCO[1], 1990) regarded as a milestone.

Sri Lanka participated in the above conference and adopted the principles of EFA targets. Even before the conference, the government attempted a more equitable distribution policy, which is reflected in the impressive social indicators for a developing country (Alailama & Sanderatne, 1998; Wilson, 1992). Despite rather modest levels of economic growth, Sri Lankan's surpassing achievement in social development is often cited as a model of human development. Also the rights of disabled people[2} have been legally protected by an act which came into effect in 1996 (Mendis, 1997).

However, the disabled children/people I met in Sri Lanka gave me a different picture from such impressive official statements. Due to impairment, either physical, intellectual or both, many children seemed to be abandoned in hospitals and obliged to stay in segregated residential institutions throughout their lives. It also appeared that those institutions for disabled people did not have sufficient services to meet their needs. Many disabled children, including those who live with their families, had no chance to go to schools or dropped out because of lack of support in schools. This situation seems to be prevalent in poor rural areas where disabled children, such as those with cerebral palsy whom I met in 'Neluwa', had extreme difficulties exercising their basic human rights including the right of basic education.

These inconsistent pictures seem to bear witness to the fact that government initiated innovations, which tend to adopt a top-down approach, have a limited capacity to realise EFA targets and exist 'invisible people' behind the official statistics. The other agencies, which apply different approaches, definitely need to take an active part in educational innovation. Grass-roots organisations, such as Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs[3]), are just such agencies.

Therefore, it is assumed that the proposed innovation could be implemented through an existing programme of a local NGO, Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation (SSCBR). The reason is that the SSCBR workers seem to have established trusting relationships within the community and are sufficiently familiar with the context of the area at grass-roots level.

Although the main focus of this study is people with disabilities, based on the belief that 'the empowerment of disabled peopleノwill then produce another social change: the creation of a society which recognises the unique contribution that can be made by disabled people. It is a contribution that no "developed" society or world should be without' (Stone, 1999, p.34), it would possibly benefit to the disadvantaged community as a whole

1.2. Aims and Objectives
1.2.1. Aims
The aim of this project is to promote inclusive education which targets disabled children who live in Neluwa, a poor rural area in Sri Lanka, in order to work towards the realisation of the EFA. Thus, the main focus of this project would be to work towards the removal of barriers to disabled children's participation in primary education. The longer-term goal of the project is to increase awareness of disability rights in the community.

The project aims not only at increasing opportunities for disabled children to receive primary education, but also at contributing to an improvement in the overall quality of education in the area. The prevailing discourse in schooling in Sri Lanka is diagnosed as 'the Diploma Disease', in which examination-oriented schooling urges people to learn by rote in order to earn academic credentials (Dore, 1997). The project hopes to improve this situation by encouraging children's active learning.

The project will ultimately lead to the empowerment of the marginalised community, because inclusive education is 'a process of growth' (Corbett and Slee, 2000, p.136) and its ultimate goal is to promote an inclusive society where diversity is welcomed (EENET[4], 1998; Thomas et al., 1998).

1.2.2. Objectives
From the above aims, specific objectives are set as follows:

a) To work towards the removal of barriers to disabled children's participation in primary education.

b) To work towards the removal of barriers to learning for all children irrespective of disability.

c) To increase the recognition of the importance of active learning for all children.

d) To raise community awareness regarding disability issues.

e) To enhance community networks, especially between disabled people and their families and other members of the community.

In designing the project, these objectives are mainly concerned with current problems, but the issues are also examined at the macro levels in order to understand the situation which is historically formed with intricately intertwined factors. This will help the project to have a profound understanding of the context when tackling the problems. Keeping this deep-rooted background in mind, the proposal can only realistically work towards setting the starting point to challenge the current situation faced by disadvantaged people. However, if the project is continuously sustained, the longer-term goals could be achievable.

Therefore, the first task is (a) 'to remove barriers to participation for children with disabilities in primary education', which is strongly inter-linked with (b) and (c) because inclusion can benefit all children (UNESCO, 1994). And then (d) and (e) will be more long-term objectives, which will hopefully be brought about through the continuous process of pursuing the achievement of the other objectives.
In order to achieve the above objectives, this project employs the Child-to-Child approach, a participatory approach which emphasises children's active participation in education. (Pridmore and Stephens, 2000). This approach was chosen in order to capture the essence of 'inclusive education', which is to benefit not only disabled but also all children, as agreed in the World Conference on Special Needs Education at Salamanca (1994). By promoting children's active learning, all children will hopefully recognise the importance of active learning, which will in turn improve the overall quality of education in Neluwa. A gender sensitive perspective will be integrated in each stage of the project.

1.3. Structure of this paper
Using the relevant literature, chapter two outlines the conceptual model surrounding disabled people, which will be used as a framework in the situation analysis. Using the framework, chapter three examines the Sri Lankan context with regard to disabled people. It will show the extent to which the prevalent model of disability is replicated in the Sri Lankan context and identify the specific issues that need to be considered in proposing the innovation. Narrowing this down, chapter four analyses the more specific context of Neluwa, where the project will be set up. Chapter five analyses the strengths and weaknesses of approaches that will be used in the innovation. In addition, it demonstrates how three important approaches for this innovation, Inclusive Education, CBR and the Child-to-Child approach, complement each other. Chapter six describes how to design and develop a programme for promoting inclusive education in Neluwa. Finally, chapter seven provides the summary and conclusion.

[1] UNESCO: The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
[2] Disabled people/person(s)/children and people/person(s)/children with disabilities are used interchangeably in this paper. The terms are used to encompass all kinds of people who are identified as having disabilities, which include people with all degrees of; physical impairments, sensory impairments, intellectual impairments, chronic illness emotional behavioural difficulties etc.
[3] There is no universally accepted definition of NGOs and range from large bi-lateral funding agencies operating in many countries to very small village level associations providing immediate needs of their members. However, in this paper, NGOs refer to the organisations which are people-centred, flexible and democratic, irrespective of it size. See Korten (1990) for the classification and nature of NGOs.
[4] EENET: The Enabling Education Network

Chapter 2
Literature Review

This chapter is comprised of three parts. The first section explores current development discourse in relation to the role of education. It highlights the gap between political rhetoric and the reality which is the existence of invisible people who are marginalised within the current development discourse. The second section focuses on disabled people, in order to explore how they are marginalised and become invisible. Reference is made to the other development issues, such as poverty and gender bias. These analyses will illustrate that disability is a development issue which is socially constructed and has intricate links with other issues. The third section reviews 'inclusive education', why it is important and how it can contribute to an impoverishment in the current situation faced by disadvantaged people.

2.1. Education and Development
In the last few decades, the concept of development has been used in various ways, but it seems obvious that the neo-classical paradigm of development has lost credibility (Seers, 1977). Judging from the introduction of the Human Development Indicators in 1990 by UNDP[1], human development has become a focus of development discourse.

In this discourse, ''development' is not about charity in which 'haves' control and give to 'have-nots', it is about a process of social transformation. 'Charity does nothing to challenge or change the status quo; indeed, it perpetuates it' (Coleridge, 1993, P.3). Change will not occur unless people become aware of their own situation, understand the causes of their problems and work towards gaining control over their own lives.

The importance of education in development process is well known. Freire (1970) argues that education has a role of 'social transformation' through 'self-conscientization'. Taking history as a witness, the importance of basic education has been discussed at international level for the past fifty years[2]. Most currently, the World Forum on EFA in Dakar reaffirms that education lays the foundation for individual development, and this leads to the development of society (UNESCO, 2000a).

Through history, efforts have been made, which certainly have led to substantial progress in many countries (UNESCO, 2000a). However, the historical re-affirmation of EFA agenda also illustrates that the realisation of EFA, in terms of both its quantitative and qualitative dimensions, is not easy and the long process has met with various obstacles. The following is the reality, revealed in Dakar, after some fifty years since basic education was formally accepted as a universal human right by the nations of the world (United Nations General Assembly, 1948)

More than 113 million children have no access to primary education, 880 million adults are illiterate, gender discrimination continues to permeate education systems, and the quality of learning and the acquisition of human values and skills fall far short of the aspirations and needs of individuals and societies.
(UNESCO, 2000a para.5)

The paper continues that there are groups of people who are excluded or neglected by governments' innovations and they are quite often the powerless (UNESCO, 2000a). This fact clearly reveals that adopting a declaration does not always ensure its achievement.

One of the major reasons could be, as Little (1994) recognises, 'the distinction between 'lip-service' and 'real' political agenda' (p.3). Even when governments place EFA on their 'real' political agenda, they seem to have significant difficulties translating rhetoric into action (Clark et al. 1998; Lynch, 1994). Political provision and legislation does not always ensure EFA. This could be understood as an illustration that government initiated innovations have limitations.

The other reason could be the inevitable influence of 'globalisation', in which economic force often goes beyond government initiatives. Globalisation involves restructuring in both the centre and the periphery, resulting in a 'core-periphery' polarisation which spreads between countries and across national boundaries (Robinson, 1996). The 'core ' of the world economy now goes beyond geographical boundaries and embraces not only wealthy nations but 'haves' in poorer nations as well (Hoogvelt, 1997; Tikly, 2001). Consequently, in the words of Werner (1995), 'in today's world -with its development strategies that favour the rich at the expense of the disadvantaged -such basic needs [such as access to enough food, clean water, decent shelter and primary health care] are becoming more and more difficult to meet for all poor and marginalised people' (p.2).

In the era of globalisation, another challenge to the achievement of EFA is quality of education. 'Globalisation extends well beyond the realm of economics' (Tikly n.d., p.15). Both visible and invisible global products, such as information, contribute to shape the way people think and desire, their values and behaviour. People all over the world tend to pursue the single values dominating the economic-centred global community and consider educational credentials as key to a 'better life'. As a result, the learning[3] experience is likely to be ritualistic, tedious or destructive of curiosity and imagination. 'Less' learning for its own sake' and 'learning to do a job' and more 'learning to get a job' with detrimental effects on the quality of learning' (Dore, 1997, p.vii) -this process of credentialism is what Dore (1997) coined as 'the Diploma Disease'. This is none other than what Freire (1970) calls the 'banking concept of education': the teacher 'banks' or 'pours' knowledge, and students store the 'deposits' and retrieve them when demanded.

It is now more than 25 years since Freire (1970) and Dore (1997)[4] questioned the purpose of education and that consequently its contents which was to fulfil that purpose resulted in poor quality for empowering people. However, this argument seems to be valid to date, or may even have escalated in the era of globalisation, in which globally accepted examinations or text books have become widespread and opportunities to study outside one's own country have dramatically increased. Examining this situation, Hawes and Stephens (1990) criticise the lack of emphasis on the quality of primary education in the literature surrounding universal primary education. The poor quality or absence of education may confine 'have-nots' in disadvantaged situations, depriving them of their self-actualisation, as Freire (1970) condemns passive learning as a measure of oppression.

It should not be ignored that the growing recognition of education's important contribution to economic growth has certainly led to an increase in donor investments in basic education[5] (Colclough with Lewin, 1993; Fagerlind and Saha, 1989). However, especially in the era of globalisation, the relation between education and economic growth needs to be viewed critically, because education as part of the social system has been inextricably linked to development discourse and cannot exist isolated from the influence of globalisation.

2.2. Disabled People in Developing Countries
In the previous section, the existence of overlooked or neglected people within the current discourse of any development process is highlighted. In this section, the main focus will be on disabled people and their marginalised experience which is considered as a 'microcosm of the whole development process' (Coleridge, 1993; Abu-Habib, 1997).

2.2.1. Disabled people in development discourse
It could be argued that disabled people often belong to the group of overlooked or neglected people and tend to be omitted from the international development agenda. For instance, disability has been absent from the Human Development Report which reflects most aspects of dehumanising conditions. Even in the framework for EFA, the learning needs of disabled children have been tackled very little. As Oliver (1996) states 'there have been very few international studies of the lives of disabled people' (p.114). Harris-White (1996) adds that 'along with neglect in policy and theory goes a deep factual neglect' (p.i).

Disabled people are often treated as if they are different in kind, which can be seen by the fact that issues have been discussed in separate settings. The issue of EFA is perhaps a good example. In Jomtien, little consideration was given to disabled people. There appeared to some improvement four years later at the Salamanca Conference, which advocated the importance of inclusive education (UNESCO, 1994). However, the same experience was encountered in the recent commitment of the EFA in Dakar, in which there was no direct mention of children with disabilities.

The way in which disability issues are addressed both at international and national levels tends to be based on a charity discourse, not a right discourse (Hevey, 1992; Coleridge, 1993; Oliver, 1996; Fulcher, 1989). Disabled people are seen as living under sympathy, special treatment or consideration from more powerful members of their society. In this charity discourse, problems are seen as situated within individuals, not within the social structure. This is known as the 'medical model of disability' (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Model of disability: The Medical Model[6]

This model emphasises individual deficits rather than the limitations of suitable provision for personal needs, and so attributes difficulties to within individuals. The model regards the impairment as 'abnormality', as opposed to 'normality'. Disabled people are viewed as passive recipients who need to be cared for and cured by professionals and specialists, within special settings like sheltered learning, working and living places.

The charity discourse, underpinned by the medical model of disabilities, doesn't help to foster disabled people's self-esteem, but rather, it contributes to their oppression. Charity is what Hevey (1992) calls ヤthe opiate of the handicappedユ (para.1). Thus, it can be said that the medical model can never sufficiently explain what disability is. The situation will not be fully changed until the social structures and people's attitudes towards disability are changed.

In addition, it could be argued that disabled people's situation is worsened by their invisibility. The actual number of the disabled people is difficult to quantify and official data can be very unreliable (Khatleli et al., 1995; Lynch, 1994). Although WHO[7] estimates it at about 10% of the whole population, as Coleridge (1993) states, such generalisation tends to ignore the wide variation in the prevalence of disability within and between countries and consequently could mask the real situation.

There seem to be several possible explanations for this invisibility. Firstly, the definition and categorisation of disability is problematic and the identification of disabled people differs from country to country. There is no standardised definition for statistical purposes across countries (Coleridge, 1993). Secondly, several countries have not conducted any survey of disability and some of them simply apply the figures estimated by WHO (Nakanishi, 2000a). Thirdly, even when there are data, they are sometimes too old[8], and do not take account of the fact that data can fluctuate because some impairments are reversed or overcome. Fourthly, the research may be conducted by investigators who are insufficiently trained (Nakanishi, 2000a). Even if this is not the case, it is not easy in a cultural context, where family members may feel ashamed to have a child with disabilities or reluctant to and afraid of exposing him/her, and thus omission may occur (Nakanishi, 1996; Lynch, 1994). Finally, the statistics can be politically manipulated, for example in conflict situations disability figures can be often inflated (Coleridge, 1993).

The above examination of the invisibility of disabled people indicates the extent to which disability is constructed by socio-political and cultural contexts in which disabled people are placed. This concept of disability is called the social model of disability as depicted in Figure 2.

Figure 2: Model of disability: The Social Model[9]

The social model puts emphasis on the socio-political context, and strongly suggests that problems are situated in the social structure which tends to exclude disabled people. Exclusion occurs due to both physical and institutional inaccessibility for disabled people, and attitudinal segregation with prejudicial views underpinned by cultural and religious beliefs.

However, it is not easy to change the social structure, as the experience of the realisation of EFA shows. Even when the policy mandates provision for disabled people, further impetus and time would be required in order to bring them into action.

Moreover, it is not only the matter of resources. To change people's attitudes and belief tends to be rather difficult because often they have been historically inherited with intertwined aspects of political, economic, religious and cultural values. Abberley (1997) argues, different from other forms of oppression, how difficult it is to change social structure, including people's attitudes towards disability, in this capitalist and materialist dominated world. He claims that 'full integration of impaired people in social production can never constitute the future to which we as a movement aspire' (p.41). From his perspective, impairment will remain problematic. The problems disabled people face will not be eradicated as long as the world is ruled by economic power and 'productionism' prevails -where notions of humanity and value ultimately depend on labour.

2.2.2. Disabled people in developing countries
Marginalisation and invisibility seem to be much greater in so-called developing countries where, generally speaking, less attention is paid to disability issues (Coleridge, 2000; Nakanishi, 1996). As Malinga[10], a disabled activist from Zimbabwe, pointed out:

While people in the rich world are talking about Independent Living and improved services, we are talking about survival.
                (1996, cited in Stone, 1999, p.1, emphasis added)

For disabled persons in the South, meeting basic needs is a problem (Werner, 1995). In this capitalist dominated world, where resources and information tend to be unequally distributed, disability is often associated with poverty. Studies have generally shown that the majority of disabled people live in developing countries and 'more often than not they are among the poorest of the poor' (DFID[11], 2000, p.1). Based on a survey conducted in Tanzania, White (1999) concluded that 'disability is a hidden face of African poverty' (cited in DFID, 2000, p.4).

The complex and multifaceted relationship between disability and poverty is like an inescapable trap. It seems to be extremely difficult to break out from the vicious cycle of poverty and disability intricately constructed by the socio-political context (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Vicious cycle of Poverty and Disability[12]

Beresford (1996) represents it as 'a two -way one' where one increases the other (p.564). Lockheed and Verspoor (1991) explain that children's capacity in schools is much influenced by their health and nutritional status and their prior learning experience in their home and community. Thus, disability could add one more burden on disadvantaged people in a prevailing social structure where the powerless get less. Inferior or lack of opportunity for education and training, inaccessible and inflexible employment, environmental barriers and prejudice are among other factors that restrict disabled people's freedom of decision, choice and benefit. Among the developing countries, preventable causes of disability[13] are still common currency. For example, there are frequent cases of people suffering from malnutrition, disease caused by inadequate immunisation, congenital anomalies and injuries in conflicts, etc. Furthermore, societies[14] which have strong traditions and religious values are likely to equate disability with sin, divine, punishment and impurity[14], and the attitudinal barriers constructed by those values are generally more significant in developing countries (Coleridge, 1993, 2000). Therefore, it may be safe to conclude that disabled people who live in poorer societies are one of the most disadvantaged groups of people.

Those disadvantaged situations cut across the whole life of disabled people. Children with disabilities who live in developing countries tend to have less support and opportunity to maximise their potential.

Currently 85 per cent of the world's disabled children under 15 years of age live in developing countriesノ most of these children receive scant attention, if any, from formal health services.
                               (Khan and Durkin, 1995 p.1)

Considering educational opportunities, children with disabilities have been lying 'on the fringe of the educational system' (Lockheed and Verspoor, 1991, p.154). In 1996, UNDP estimated that only 2-3% disabled children in developing countries were receiving an education and furthermore that education was of doubtful adequacy and appropriateness to the individual needs (Price, 2001; Hegarty, 1990; Bellamy, 1999). In addition, Miles (1985) who examined third world educational integration finds that 'non-designed integration is widespread' (p.i).

2.2.3. Gender and Disability
For centuries, humanity has gone through a tremendous inequality between male and female. Being women with disabilities could mean facing more inequalities in this unjust society not only due to the disadvantages associated with gender but also those associated with disabilities (Coleridge, 1999; Drake, 1999; Hastie, 1997). 'Her inferior status in society is often more debilitating for a disabled woman than the disability itself' (Boylan, 1991, p.1) Disability has deprived women of their sexuality. There are many cases of women who became disabled and were then obliged to divorce. The situation seems to be completely different for men who sometimes even are glorified, especially when they became disabled during wartime (Abu-Habib, 1997; Boylan, 1991). Girls with disabilities attend school less frequently than their male counterparts (DFID, 2000). In the end, disabled women can be characterised as one of the most 'invisible' and 'voiceless' groups of people, enduring 'double discrimination' or 'double disadvantages'.

However, they tend to be ignored by both the feminist movement and the disability movement (Abu-Habib, 1997; Boyce et al., 2001). Also, gender inequality could affect not only disabled children themselves, but also their caregivers who are most often mothers or female members of the families. Boukhari (1997) calls them the 'invisible victims' (p.36).

As shown above, gender bias cuts deeply across disability issues. Moreover, gender and disability are often intricately linked to each other and to other aspects like poverty. Despite the deep link, they tend to be handled in separate settings. However, the links should not be ignored in any stage of development work. In Werner's (1995) words, '[the goal of any development effort] is to work towards a social order that provides all people -weak and strong, rich or poor, male or female, black, brown or white- with equal respect, equal opportunities and equal rights' (p.11).

2.3. Inclusive Education
As Barton (1986) testifies, 'the educational system is one of the most important means by which societies reproduce themselves' (p.140), education can be a vital agency towards an inclusive society. But it should be noted that the role of education could affect the society as a double-edged sword by serving for enrichment as well as deterioration. For instance, the notable phenomenon of 'the Diploma Disease' could be identified as the outcome of the latter effect. In addition, the long history of segregated educational settings for disabled people could be also argued as contributing to the 'deterioration' by reinforcing negative attitudes to disability (Oliver, 1996; Vlachou, 1997).

Special Education was promoted in the industrialised North during the last century in the belief that a special setting with specialist would be required to meet the 'special' needs of disabled children. However, the current situation of disabled people in the North shows the limited extent to which expected outcomes have been reached through the segregated policy. For example, in Britain and the United States, 67% of disabled people aged 15-64 are unemployed compared with 32% of the non-disabled population of the same age (Disability Awareness in Action, 1995 cited in Beresford, 1996, p.558). Over 60% of disabled people live below the poverty line (New Internationalist, 1992) with almost two-thirds of them likely to be affected by long-term illness and disease (Bereford, 1996). Furthermore, most disabled people experience some kind of discrimination (Drake, 1999).

This illustrates how segregated education policies which are underpinned by the medical model of disabilities (Figure1) tend not to contribute to the realisation of an equal society, far from that, it may even reinforce disabled people's oppressed situation. The absence of disabled people in schools seems to confirm their invisible status in society. Lack of awareness and understanding of disability, not realising that disabled children could benefit from schooling, not perceiving disabled people as valued citizens are the common outcomes of segregated policies in most situations. Under such situations, self-conscientisation of disabled people themselves would be inhibited. We can see how deeply the vicious cycle of poverty and disability (Figure 3) is rooted, regardless of the country's economic situation.

Economic forces may not have helped much to break out of the vicious cycle, on the contrary, it probably puts a negative impact on vulnerable groups. As a notorious characteristic of globalisation, the rising disparities between the 'haves' and 'have-nots' both among nations and within countries seem to be accelerating as shown in the following quotation.

One per cent of the world population has one million U.S. dollar, and their assets have been estimated at an average of 12% increase per year over the decade. In addition, the wealthiest 20% (about 1 billion people) account for 86% of the total consumption, but the poorest 20% for only 1.3%. Furthermore, in the U.S. for example, the disparities between the 10% who earn the highest salary and the 10% who earn the lowest salary have expanded from 3.6 times in 1979 to 5 times in 1996.
              (Tanaka, 2000[16])

This situation may be nothing more than a replication of the power structure of the colonial era. Although the neo-classical paradigm of development may have lost its credibility and the current focus has shifted to human development, as discussed earlier, the reality seems to be that economic forces actually wield power in our world. The lion's share is taken by more powerful actors, whereas the powerless, like disabled people in poorer societies, tend to be left behind.

Efforts need to be made to change the social structure. Inclusive education, 'which in responding to the diversity of learners, minimises exclusion for all' (Booth, 2001, para1), can be a vital way to move forward. Inclusive education has arguably moved up the agenda since the 1994 Salamanca Conference. The Salamanca Statement proclaims a broader concept ensuring the principle of inclusion which takes account the fact that the prevailing environment, culture and ethos should be changed to welcome diversity so that every learner, irrespective of disability, can participate and maximise their potentials.

However, 'Inclusion' is not a new idea. It is rooted in liberal progressive thought (Thomas et al, 1998) and has been discussed from the 1980's at the international level (Ainscow et al, 1995). Before the Salamanca Framework, the term 'Integration' was more widely used, but now this has generally been replaced by 'inclusion', reflecting criticism of the way that the idea of integration was adopted in practice.

Integration was criticised as a notion underpinned by the medical model of disability (Figure 1) (Corker, 1998; Fulcher, 1989). 'Integration' views disabled children as subjects to change by being cared, cured and controlled by professionals in order to fit into the environment constructed under non-disabled norms. Thus, the practice tended to be a technical matter, simply changing the place where people learn, and as a result, segregation was sustained (Armstrong et al, 2000; Ballad, 1999). In contrast, 'inclusion' views the social structure as a subject to change, namely, it is a notion underpinned by the social model of disability (Figure 2) (Corker, 1998; Fulcher, 1989; Booth, 1999).

This terminological transition implies that it is now well recognised that disability is not only a matter that can be solved by technical measures focusing on individuals with disability. Exclusion will not vanish unless people understand what actually constructs the whole issue of disability. The focus should be on individual strength and needs and on the removal of barriers to participation and learning for all children, not only children with disabilities but also all adults/children, whatever their gender, age, ability, ethnicity, impairment or HIV status. All actors -children, teachers, parents and specialists, need to be involved to identify needs and to solve the problem. Consequently, a supportive environment, in which diversity is welcomed, will be created. When this approach is implemented, it will be beneficial to all children.

EENET (1998) advocates that 'Inclusive education is part of development, and development should be inclusive' (para.4). The notion of 'inclusion' goes beyond school-based consideration by embracing a wider notion towards 'inclusivity in society' (Thomas et al, 1998, p.7) because, as seen before, education could be a vital measure for forming society. Individuals who benefit from inclusive schooling would definitely contribute to a transformation of their society by their participation and contribution towards the realisation of an 'inclusive society' (EENET, 1998). Such societies where diversity is welcomed would be very favourable for everyone. Ainscow elucidates that:

Inclusive education is really a process of people inquiring into their own context to see how it can be developed and it is a process of growth. It is a social process and it engages people in making sense of their experience and helping one another to question their experience and their context to see how things can be moved forward'
         (interviewed 26 October 1998 cited in Corbett and Slee, 2000, p.136)

However, some surveys indicate that separate settings of educational provision for disabled children are still predominant in many parts of the world (Ainscow et al. 1995). Consequently, inclusive society seems to be very rare in the current materialistic world where the more 'haves' get, the less 'have-nots' get. A number of people who are oppressed exist and disabled people are likely to belong to this group as examined earlier.

Considering all the problems that face human kind, including all sorts of marginalisation, like disability and gender, it is indispensable for a sound development strategy to embrace all these de-humanising aspects in all development programmes and plans for the realisation of an inclusive society. Inclusive education would be able to bring the impetus to break out of the current situation. Coleridge (1993) argues that 'disabled people can show us a different way, and lead us into an approach to development based on the profound human value of respect for each individual life'. (p.11).

[1] UNDP: The United Nations Development Programme
[2] In 1948, the nation of the world agreed through the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that 'everyone has a right to education'. (United Nations General assembly, 1948)
[3] Needless to say, 'leaning' is not only 'to memorise' This is clear from the definition by Oxenham (1991). 'Learning is a complex social and psychological process by which we use all our senses, experience, memory and intelligence to acquire much behaviour, many habits and customs, all values, attitudes, knowledge and skills, both mental and muscular. It also comprises the processes by which we modify, refine, extend or develop what we know or can do' (p.9. cited in Pridmore and Stephens 2000, p.30).
[4] Dore first published 'The Diploma Disease' in 1976.
[5] According to Colclough with Lewin (1993), the World bank, one of the currently most important financial provider to education, did not make any loans for primary schooling during the 1960s, and even in 1970s, the amount was modest. Also, other aid agencies did not fully accept the need of investment in primary education. During 1980s, the aid to education has gradually been increased and Jomtien in 1990 played a vital role to reinforce the trend.
[6] Modified from Oliver, 1996; Fulcher, 1989; Coleridge, 1993; Corbett, 1994, Hastie, 1997.
[7] WHO: The World Health Organisation
[8] According to Nakanishi (2000a), 7 out 21 Asian countries that Nakanishi studies use the data in 1980s, the oldest one is in 1980.
[9} Modified from Oliver, 1996; Fulcher, 1989; Coleridge, 1993; Corbett, 1994, Hastie, 1997.
[10] Malinga, J. leading disabled activist from Zimbabwe and Chair of Disabled Peoples' International.
  *No reference in Stone (1999)
[11] DFID: The Department for International Development
[12] Modified from: DFID, 2000, p.4; Hastie, 1997, p.77; Boylan, 1991 p.18-24.
[13] These could be seen in anywhere in the world. However, studies show that variation diminishes after services improve, or proper knowledge is spread. Generally speaking, delayed diagnosis, under-report, lack of information, lack of medical resources are more often found in poorer countries (Zinkin, 1995; Stone, 1999).
[14] It does not only mean developing countries. The industrialised west used to have same notion. Coleridge (1993) explains this from the example Christianity that 'it is mentioned in the Bible, impairment is linked with being unclean, an outcast, and/or possessed by demons (p.72). Also, refer to Barnes (1997) A Legacy of Oppression: A History of Disability in Western Culture.
[15] Coleridge (1993) call this 'the traditional model of disability.
[16] Extract from the article in Japanese has been translated into English.

Chapter 3
Analysis of the Macro Situation in Sri Lanka

This chapter will examine the Sri Lankan context at macro level with reference to the literature review. It begins with brief background information on Sri Lanka. Then next parts examine the positive and negative dimensions Sri Lanka faces. In doing so, it highlights how much the general picture reviewed in the previous chapter is replicated within the Sri Lankan context and also some of the key socio-economic, cultural, political and educational factors, which influence invisible people in Sri Lanka.

3.1. Country Context
The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka is an island nation in the Indian Ocean with an area of about 65,610 km2 and the estimated population for 1998 is 18.5million (Embassy of Sri Lanka in Japan, n.d.). The country gained political independence from the British colonial government in 1948 and established parliamentary democracy in the same year (ibid.).

Sri Lankan society has a plural structure, which is multi-ethnic and multi-religious. According to the census in 1981, Sri Lankan Sinhalese represent the majority population of 74 %, Sri Lankan Tamils account for 12.6%, followed by 5.6% of Indian origin Tamils, 7.1% of Moor and 0.7% of others (Jeyaratnam, 1988; Perera, 1999). In terms of religion, 69.4% are Buddhists, followed by 15.5 % Hindus, 7.5% Muslims and 7.6% Christians (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994). Over 72% of the population in Sri Lanka live in rural areas, 7% live in the estate sector[1], which mainly consists of export oriented agriculture, such as tea, rubber and coconut (Gamage, 1997).
In terms of educational setting, there are 11,272 schools with 4,260,989 pupils and 179,589 teachers. The majority of 10,643 are state owned schools[2] under the control of the provinces, which comprises 4 types (Table 1). Furthermore, there is another category of government schools, which is 'national schools' -mainly the 1AB schools are controlled by the Line Ministry (Perera, 1999). (see Appendix 1[3]). Those schools are divided into Sinhalese and Tamil medium[4], in which each mother tongue is used in teaching (Johnson et al., 2000)[5].

Table 1: Type of Government School in Sri Lanka[6]



Province 1AB 1-13 or 6-13 advanced level classes in science, arts, commerce and aesthetic streams
1C 1-13 advanced level streams other than in science
    Type 2 1-11 -
    Type 3 1-5 -
Line Ministry National School 1-13 or 6-13 advanced level classes in science, arts, commerce and aesthetic streams

3.2. Official Picture of Sri Lanka; Positive dimensions
According to UNDP (2000), Sri Lanka is classified as a developing country. However, the GNP capita in 1998 is 810 US$, which is barely categorised as a middle-income country[7]. It is only since 1997[8] that Sri Lanka has joined this group. Its Human Development Index (0.733) ranks very high within the middle human development countries[9] and it has been in this category since the index was first introduced by UNDP in 1990.

The official statistics in the field of education are also impressive (see Appendix 2[10] for further details). The literacy rate is over 90% of those tested and basic and secondary education participation is the highest in South Asia (Johnson et al. 2000). As these figures show, the government has valued education and has made substantial financial provision for educational development (Bellamy, 2000), following the concept of 'entitlement' and the cultivation of the national mind as the basic principle of Buddhism (Tatto and Dharmadasa, 1995). Education at primary, secondary and tertiary levels has been free since 1945, textbooks are provided free of charge and mid-day meals and transport facilities are subsidised (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994). Compulsory attendance of children in the age range from 5 to 14 years has been ensured by government regulations enacted in 1997 (Perera, 1999).

The high scores in all official measures of gender equality are also impressive (Alailama & Sanderatne, 1998). Sri Lanka's Women's Charter was accepted as national policy in 1993 and remarkably women have equal educational opportunities in a region where many girls are severely disadvantaged (Jayaweera, 1999). Girls' enrolment rate at primary level is the same as that of boys, which is now close to universal (UNDP, 2000). The rate rises at secondary level, where there are as many as 109 girls for every 100 boys (UNDP, ibid.).

As implied in these impressive social indicators, the Sri Lankan government has attempted a more equitable distribution policy. These positive dimensions could be understood as outcomes brought about by maximising the potential of government initiated innovations.

3.3. Negative dimensions; the existence of invisible people
However, the positive dimensions do not reflect the full picture in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka seems not to be an exception from other Asian countries which, as Potter (1992) argues, have historical and colonial legacies that significantly penetrate in the democratic prospects in Asia. Close examinations will elicit the other dimension of Sri Lanka, which could be understood as a legacy of 150 years of colonialism[11].

Despite the governmental efforts, the inequality between different ethnic groups and different areas is still significant long after independence. This shows that government initiated innovations[12] in Sri Lanka also have limitations and seem not to reach everyone, especially those who are the most needy. The impressive educational measures do not indicate much about the qualitative dimension. The negative dimensions that Sri Lanka has will elucidate that Sri Lanka is arguably part of the current unequal world formed by capitalist dominated development discourse.

3.3.1 Inequality between Ethnic groups
Ethnic conflicts, which have been a major backlash of national development, have disturbed the multi-ethnic society of Sri Lanka for several decades. The current notorious conflict is the independence movement of Indian Tamils who were originally brought from South India in the colonial period as plantation workers. The troops, named ヤLiberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, have waged conflict against the Sinhalese dominated government since 1980s (Whitaker, 1997). The conflicts originated in historically entwined factors, which are too complicated to discuss here. However, it may be said that inequality, which is deeply rooted in the history of colonisation and the semi-feudal society, contributed to these negative dimensions to some extent (Silva, 1998; Swan, 1997).

Defence expenditure has escalated to such a high level that it has definitely made the countryユs growth sluggish, educational improvement has also suffered[13]. It is reported that about 35% children in the conflict areas cannot read or write. Samath (2001) reports that Sri Lanka ヤhas already lost billions of dollars in lost revenue, economic growth and human miseryユ due to ヤthe world's longest-running internal conflictsユ (para. 2)[14].

3.3.2 Inequality between areas; Plantation sectors
Socio-economic inequality between areas can also be seen. Gamage (1997) examined poverty trends in Sri Lanka and found that poverty is more likely to be predominant in rural areas. Although the study couldn't find conclusive evidence to show the difference between ethnic groups, Ratnayake (1992 cited in Gamage, 1997) reported that poverty is a typical characteristic for land-less people. Plantation workers are the most likely to be so, and 80% of tea plantation workers are the Indian Tamils[15] (Samarasinghe, 1993).

The main plantation crops (tea, coconut and rubber) comprise over 90 % of the country's total export values (Kurian, 1982), tea is the principal plantation crop and earns the largest foreign exchange[16] (Samarasinghe, 1993). Despite the fact that plantation workers have made a considerable contribution to the country by generating economic revenues, their own standard of living, including their education, has been historically much lower than that of people in other sectors (Table 2). Tea plantation workers appear to be the most vulnerable as their lower wages show (Table 3).

Table 2: Comparison of socio-economic indicators between sectors[17]



All Island
Distribution of income (%) 1981/82 7.2 18.3 74.5 -
Distribution of income (%) 1985/86 4.6 28.2 67.2 -
Literacy rates (%), 1981/82 64.8 86.0 89.7 85.4
Literacy rates (%), 1991-1 66.1 87.1 92.3 86.6
School avoidance rate (%) 1981/82; over 6 years 36.0 14.5 10.6 -

Table 3: Monthly income of each occupation in 1986/87[18]

a paddy farmer Rs. 1,921
a clerk Rs. 1,635
a rubber tapper Rs. 563
a tea picker Rs. 401

*Rs.1= GBP 0.0078

Thus, the plantation workers could be regarded as one of the most disadvantaged groups in Sri Lanka. The working conditions in the plantation sector are unremunerative; long hours with scant wages. Primarily, it could be a consequence of the colonial export economy that needed a growing supply of unskilled workers who would work for low wages. The management practices in plantation industry have been authoritarian and coercive. Many workers live and work within the estate for their whole lives and have no chance to meet with outside groups, consequently, the kinship relations tend to be very close. This closed system could contribute to maintain the unequal plantation structure (Little, 1999; Kurian, 1982).

<Education System in plantation sectors>
In these conditions, the education system seems not to have been used as a means for the empowerment of workers, rather, it might contribute to confining them in oppression. Little (1999) argues, '[educational] function may be seen as a means of reproducing the knowledge and attitudes necessary for the continuation of the plantation system and community' (p.34). This is an example where education is used for 'deterioration'.

However, there is evidence that government tries to reach the unequal education system in plantation areas, which used to be mainly run by labour supervisors called 'kanganies' or by some missionaries (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994). In 1970s, most of the plantation schools[19] were taken over by the state in order to integrate them into the mainstream system[20]. Since then, foreign donor agencies have increased the funding available for estate schools and students. The Plantation Sector Education Development programme, one of the most famous programmes, was launched in 1986 in co-operation with SIDA[21] in order to improve both access and quality of education in plantation schools. Over this period of 12 years, considerable progress has been made in reducing the disparity between schools in different sectors. However, inequalities between children from plantation schools and mainstream schools still remain (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994; Little, 1999)

<Women's role in plantation sectors>
Adding to the above inequalities, gender inequalities are significant, especially in plantation sectors. This can be understood from the way that women have historically worked in plantations. In the plantation structure, 'kanganies' who supervise the labour work are usually men, and women are in a subordinate position. Women's wages were/are lower than the already low wages for men. Even after equal wages negotiations concluded in 1984, women's working time is still longer than that of men (Little, 1999). Unpaid household labour, which is generally considered as 'low' task, puts more burdens on women. These inequalities are deeply embedded in religious practices and the cast system which the Indian Tamils introduced in the colonial era (Kurian, 1982).

3.3.3. The Quality of Education
The other negative dimension of education in Sri Lanka is characterised by the high rate of educated unemployed, which is a phenomenon well known as 'the Diploma Disease'. The education system has expanded much faster than the expansion of modern economic sectors which are expected to increase the job opportunities (Dore, 1997). To get a 'decent' job, people tend to be urged to get higher credentials, consequently, an examination dominated curriculum has led to ritualistic learning. Meanwhile, vocational education has not been emphasised and has been a low priority throughout the period (Jayaweera, 1999). Ekanayake (1996) critically examines this situation and asserts the limitation of formal education, calling it the 'cult of formal education' (p.78).

Impressive gender equality scores do not necessarily mean that women have equal status in society. Higher unemployment rates for women than for men (Dore, 1997) illustrate Jayaweera's (1999) argument that equal or superior school enrolment rate does not mean that women have the same control over resources as men. Jayaweera (ibid.) adds that education processes may reinforce gender role stereotypes in Sri Lanka where 'both at home and at school girls are expected to be passive, modest and obedient', although 'there is no strong son preference' (p.178). This again implies that that education does not always work to transform individual lives and society, rather, it can work in the opposite way -reinforcing oppression.

3.4. Disabled people in Sri Lanka
3.4.1. The official picture
In 1995, the Ministry of Social Welfare officially estimated the population of disabled people in Sri Lanka at about 8% (Nakanishi, 2000a). The growth rate of the disabled population is 0.04 % higher than that of the whole population (Central Council of Disabled Persons, n.d.).

The fundamental rights of disabled people are guaranteed under the constitution Article 4, and the Act for the Protection of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities enacted in 1996. Also, the government has had primary and secondary educational provision for children with disabilities since 1939 (see Appendix 3[22] for further details).

The Ministry of Social Welfare is generally responsible for disability issues. From 1980 to 1990, 0.6 % of GNP was spent on social welfare and 0.005% for rehabilitation (Nakanishi, 1996). Special education is mainly administered at national level by the Ministry of Education and Higher Education on the basis of advice from the National Educational Commission[23], National Institute of Education[24] and Special Education Advisory Committee (UNESCO, 1996) (Appendix 1[25]). At the regional level, the Provincial Departments of Education implement Special Education programmes with the assistance of the Directors of Special Education and Special Education Teachers (UNESCO, 1996). The policy encourages 'inclusion' and specifies it as the goal of special education. However, education for children with disabilities currently has two approaches; one is the inclusion of disabled children to mainstream schools, and the other is special schools in separate setting from mainstream schools (Perera, 1999; MOEH[26], 1997, see Appendix 3).

Community Based Rehabilitation programmes (CBRs) have attracted the Sri Lankan government. CBRs emerged internationally as an alternative strategy for dealing with disability issues in the 1980s, in response to conventional approaches of 'institution-based rehabilitation', which were underpinned by the medical model of disabilities (Mendis, 1999). The conventional approaches mainly focus on the recovery of body functions by relying on professionals and do not take account of the socially constructed aspect of disability. CBRs have been introduced in many developing countries where resources tend to be scarce, because even such provision of service merely reaches only a tiny portion of those who need it, about 5% of disabled people (Chaudhury et al, 1995; Werner, 1995; Nakanishi and Kuno, 1997)[27].

Since 1992[28], the Ministry of Social Services (MOSS) have implemented CBRs in many districts as a national programme (MOSS[29], 2000; Nakanishi, 2000b). MOSS understands the objectives of CBRs as follows:

Prevention of disabilities, rehabilitation of the persons with disabilities, providing them with complete participation and equ[a]lity in the community and in development and implementation of effective procedures to achieve this.
(MOSS, 2000, para.2)

The programmes are implemented in co-operation with various agencies such as the Health Ministry, Ministry of Education, National Institute of Social Development. Currently 78,802 disabled people in 18 districts are under the national CBRs (MOSS, 2000).

3.4.2. The reality
Despite the official picture reviewed in the previous section, the situation I encountered in Sri Lanka gave me a different perspective:

 ・ More than 80% of the children with disabilities in the Prithipra Infant Home[30] do not have a family. Most of them were sent from hospitals or abandoned in this home[31].

 ・ 17 out of 21 disabled people aged over 6 whom I met in the CBR programme do not or will not complete primary education[32].

 ・ Disabled women in the Meth Sevana Children Home[33] had no appropriate support. For instance, teachers who were supposed to give basic education often did not come and there had even been shortage of proper food[34]. It looked as if they were merely given a place to live.

The above reality would indicate that the situation of disabled people in Sri Lanka is similar to that of disabled people in other developing countries.

Behind the official statistics, there appear to be a number of invisible people. The government does not seem to have the total figure, as people who are in poverty tend not to be registered and consequently are not able to receive public services. Disabled people generally fall into this category as examined in chapter 2.2. The conflicts could also affect the provision for social welfare in terms of attention and funding (Hastie, 1997). Therefore, not only do disabled people lack education, but also their families find it difficult even to provide them with health care. Furthermore, since education was not compulsory in Sri Lanka until 1997, the issue of whether disabled children were excluded from education or not has not been discussed so far (UNESCO, 1995). It is estimated that less than 1.6% of disabled children received basic education (Lynch, 1994).

Cultural and religious value seems to be ingrained in disability issues in Sri Lanka. It is 'Karma', which is a Sinhala-Buddhism belief that penetrates people's attitudes and helps them to explain their daily existence.

'Karma' [is] the law of moral causation and the associated belief in rebirth. Good deeds bear good fruit, either in this life or in a future rebirth, and bad deeds bear bad fruits. The present is the fruit of the past and the seed of the future.
                     (Little, 1988 p.5)

People tend to attribute disability to 'Karma' and see disability as a consequence of bad deeds in the past. Also, it makes disabled people stay in an oppressed position as passive recipients of charity. This can be understood from the custom, 'Danne'. 'Danne' is a kind of charity done with paternalistic attitudes whereby people donate food, clothes, stationary or money etc. for welfare institutions. People make a 'Danne' to accumulate 'good deeds' for the future and to overcome the bad deeds of the past, and many welfare institutes actually manage to run on 'Danne'.

This illustrates that disabled people in Sri Lanka do not seem to be an exception to what is highlighted in the literature review. The accurate number of the disabled people is not easy to quantify, the legislation or policy documents mandating educational provision do not always work effectively and do not necessarily ensure disabled people's rights. Also, the cultural and religious values deeply affect the disability issues. It is on this group of invisible people that the project is going to focus.

[1] According to Gamage (1997), Sri Lanka traditionally adopts a three-fold classification of sectors: rural, estate and urban. The estate sector mainly consists of plantation. In this paper, 'plantation' and 'estate' are used interchangeably.
[2] Estimated in 1998. Apart from them, there are 629 non-governmental schools (Perera, 1999)
[3] Appendix 1: Administrative Structure and Education System in Sri Lanka
[4] Tamil medium accounts for 3% of the total number of schools (Johnson et al., 2000)
[5] Educational provision for disabled children will be descried in chapter 3.4.
[6] Source: Perera, 1999
[7] High income countries: GNP per capita of $ 9,361 or more
  Middle income countries: GNP per capita of $ 761-9,360
  Low income countries: GNP per capita of $760 or less (source: UNDP, 2000)
[8] GNP per capita of $ 709 in 1996 (World Bank, 1999)
  GNP per capita of $ 800 in 1997 (World Bank, 2000)
[9] High human development countries: HDI 0.800 and above
  Middle human development countries: HDI 0.500-0.799
  Low human development countries: HDI below 0.500 (source: UNDP, 2000)
[10] Appendix 2: Educational performance of Sri Lanka
[11] The colonial period in Sri Lanka is from 1796 to 1948
[12] For example, Sri Lankan government has implemented the Education for Conflict Resolution Project as a part of national curriculum in primary schools since 1992 in order to alleviate the ethnic conflict (Bellamy, 1999). The Plantation Sector Education Development Programme, which will be explained in chapter 3.2.2, is the other example.
[13] Military expenditure increased from 2.9% of GNP in 1985 to 4.6 in 1995, which is far more than that for education (3.1%) in 1995 (World Bank, 1999, 2000).
[14] See Footnote 13 in this section.
[15] Estate workers in Sri Lanka are generally either Indian Tamils or Sinhalese who live in villages located along the outskirts of the estates. Sinhalese prominently engage in rubber and coconut plantations and it is post 1977 that the number of Sinhalese tea plantation workers marked increase (Kurian, 1982).
[16] The contribution of tea to the total value of industrial and agricultural experts declined from 31 % in 1981 to 13 % in 1994 but the export earnings more than doubled (Little, 1999). Little (ibid.) explains the reason for this is that global over-supply, falling prices and the competition in the globalised market.
[17] Source: Distribution income: Consumer Finance Survey 1981/82, 1985/86 (n.d.) in Gamage, 1997, p.65.
 Literacy rate: Department of Census and Statistics, Central Bank of Ceylon (n.d.), in: Jayaweera,
1999, p.181.
 School avoidance rate: Consumer Finance and Socio-Economic Survey 1981/82, Central Bank of
Ceylon (1984), in Sivasithambaram and Peiris 1994, p.69.
[18] Source: Samaranayake, 1995.
[19] The number is about 750 (Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994)
[20] The government had been discussing this since 1945. It was only in the 1970s that the project was carried out (Little, 1999).
[21] SIDA: Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency
[22] Appendix 3: Legislation related to the disabled people's rights and the provision of Special Education
[23] National Education Commission: An advisory body to government in matters of reform and innovation, co-ordination and the rationalisation of educational policies.
[24] National Institute of Education: Responsible for curriculum development, teacher training, educational management, research studies on Education
[25] Appendix 1: Administrative Structure and Education System in Sri Lanka
[26] MOEH: Ministry of Education and Higher Education
[27] Chaudhury (1995) et al estimate it about 5 %, while Nakanishi and Kuno (1997) say that service covers less than 2%. This may show how unreliable the data about disabled people are. However, both show that the institutional based provision covers only a small number of disabled people.
[28] It was 1980 that a CBR was implemented in Sri Lanka for the first time (MOSS, 2000).
[29] MOSS: Ministry of Social Service
[30] A residential home for disabled children run by a local NGO. The home was founded by Dr. Bryan de Kretser in 1962 and now caters services to over 220 children and adults with various mental and physical disabilities in co-operation with its two sister homes.
[31] Source: interview to the Director of Prithipra Infant Home
[32] Source: interview to the CBR workers and disabled people and their family
[33] A governmental residential home for disabled women aged over 13, founded in 1996.
[34] Source: interview to a volunteer who is assigned to improve the situation of the Meth Sevana Children Home.

Chapter 4
Setting the Scene: the Context in Neluwa

In this chapter, the focus narrows down to the specific area, Neluwa, in which the project will be set. Exploring the micro level issues will highlight how much the global and Sri Lankan pictures reviewed in the previous chapters are replicated, and also identify the specific issues within this area. Understanding the specific situation is indispensable in proposing an innovation, especially one for people that government initiated innovations tend not to reach, because, as discussed in chapter 2, these programmes often fail to reflect the particular aspects of each situation and the subjective realities of those involved. This helps to consider what is required to make the proposed innovation effective by identifying specific factors in Neluwa.

However, it should be kept in mind that source of the information is rather restricted. There are no available data for this specific area except those from the project manager of the SSCBR[1] and my own experience. Moreover, the source of his information is not known. The lack of information could be seen as another case of invisibility regarding disabled people.

4.1. Socio-economic background
Neluwa is located in the north-east part of the Galle district, in the southern part of the country (Appendix[2] 4 ). According to Brahmana (2001), the project manager of SSCBR, the area of Neluwa is 1,513 km2 with an estimated population of 27,836 in about 5,700 households. Geographically, it is very mountainous and there are many forests, and roads and transport facilities are not always in good conditions. For example, many streams and rivers have no bridges, even in inhabited areas.

The main industry is plantation. Tea is the principal plantation crop[3] and there are 11 tea factories with an area of 350 km2 (ibid.) In the country as a whole, the majority of the ethnic groups in plantation areas are Indian Tamils who are mostly Hindus by religion, but in Neluwa, Sinhalese of the Buddhist faith constitute the majority. However, irrespective of ethnicity, the area is rather poor. This can be seen by the fact that 2,337 families out of about 5,700 receive some financial aid[4] and 1,173 do not have toilet facilities, which implies the low level of hygiene in the area (ibid.). As for the social resources, there are 20 temples, one government hospital and 2 government dispensaries, four family health centres and one government Ayurvedic centre in which traditional medical treatments are provided.

Focusing on education, there are 16 public schools for the compulsory grades with 231 teachers and 5611 pupils (Table 4). Many of those schools are located in geographically difficult places, far away from the main road (ibid.). None of them have special units for children with disabilities and there is no special school. As in other plantation areas, Neluwa seems to be disadvantaged in its educational situation as well. The estimated participation rate of non-disabled children is 76%, which is lower than the country's official measures, and furthermore there seem to be some children who do not fully attend the classes (ibid.). The general drop out rate is 8%. The data relating to the educational situation for disabled children are very limited and we only know about those who SSCBR has covered, which will be examined in the following section. This again indicates how invisible disabled people are.

From the perspective of the project manager of SSCBR, the reasons for low attendance and high drop out seem to be mainly attributable to geographical difficulties, the family's economic situation, or lack of encouragement to study from parents, who are themselves often uneducated. Adding to this, the quality of education seems to be doubtful, which is shown by the low attendance of teachers.

Table 4: Public schools in Neluwa[5]

Name of School


No. of Teachers

No. of Pupils

Average No. of pupils in one class
Ambelegedara 3+ 2 20 4
Lamkagama 3+ 14 159 19
Ihala Lelwala 3+ 5 117 14
Warukandeniya 3+ 5 45 5
Medagama 3+ 6 124 15
Milawa 3+ 9 212 26
West Batuwangala 3+ 5 59 7
Mawanana 3+ 12 233 29
Mawita 3+ 10 261 32
Dewalegama 3+ 3 51 6
Hppitaya 3+ 8 164 20
Gigimmaduwa 2 15 434 43
Batuwangala 2 17 435 44
Dellawa 2 18 569 47
Kadihingala 2 19 372 31
Neluwa ns 83 2356 45
Total - 231 5611 -
Type of Schools (Refer to Table 1: Type of Government School)
 3+: grade 1-8 (variation of Type 3 school)
 2 : grade 1-11 (Type 2 school)
 ns : grade 1-13 (national school)

4.2. Disabled people in Neluwa
Considering the above situation, disabled people in Neluwa can be considered as one of the most disadvantaged groups in Sri Lanka. The vicious cycle of poverty and disability (Figure 3) can be seen in the Neluwa's context. Firstly, the geographical features do not favour disabled people, especially for those who have physical impairments. Steep areas, which do not allow people to use motor bikes or cars, tend to confine disabled people in their own homes without sufficient support. This means that it is not easy for them to have access to services, even to health care, nor is it easy for the service deliverer to provide the services for them. From my personal experience from visiting the area, I found that it was not easy even for a person without impairment to move around these escarpments.

Secondly, economic disadvantage does not work in the favour of disabled people. Many parents and other members of the community are busy working for the plantations under poor conditions, as examined in chapter 3.3.2. Their unremunerable working conditions seem not to allow them to fully take care of disabled children physically and mentally. Economic disadvantage and low health conditions often exist side by side. It is reported that many disabled children in Neluwa additionally have some kind of disease, such as colds, pneumonia, scabies, rashes, etc. (Brahmana, 2001) The vicious cycle of poverty and disability (Figure 3) also applies here.

Thirdly, as in the other areas in Sri Lanka, cultural and religious values regarding disability seems to be deeply ingrained. When their own children are born with some impairment, people tend to attribute it to 'Karma', and some people go to faith healers or palm readers for a remedy. When asked about the image of disability, the answer is usually rather negative; 'pity', 'indifference' 'hopeless', 'useless' etcノ (ibid.).

4.3. Sarvodaya Suwasetha CBR: the main body of the innovation implementation
One of the major support for disabled people is provided by the Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation programme (SSCBR) implemented by a local NGO, the Sarvodaya Shramadana Sangamaya[6]. In 1985, which is before CBRs were implemented as national programmes in Sri Lanka, SSCBR launched the programme independently from the government programmes with the assistance of foreign NGOs. SSCBR covers 19 villages[7] in two districts in the southern part of the nation; Kalutara and Galle (Appendix 4[8]).

Though my involvement in the SSCBR was for a limited time, I could see that it is doing relatively well overall compared to CBRs implemented in other places, both in Sri Lanka and other developing countries[9]. The reasons for this are partly that it has a long history, covers any kind of disability and provides a variety of services in co-operation with other actors in the communities[10], such as schools, medical facilities, religious facilities etc. (Appendix 5[11]). Frequently conducted awareness programmes are also vital to the success of the SSCBR programme. SSCBR has regarded raising awareness about disability as crucial to changing the attitudes towards disability. SSCBR has been conducting this programme for a variety of actors in the community; school children, pregnant/nursing mothers, disabled persons and their families, village committee members, religious leaders and Buddhist schools, etc. (Sarvodaya Suwasetha Sewa Society, 1999). A further reason for the success of the SSCBR is that the initiative is taken by local people. All the staff, which consists of one project manager, two district managers and eight field workers supported by about 180 volunteers, is members of the community (Appendix 6[12]). Moreover, they have a variety of training as service providers to people with different kinds of disability.

Focusing on increasing opportunities of education for disabled children, SSCBR has developed provision, though each case is decided on an individual basis. For instance, SSCBR discusses whether local schools can accept a child with disability. When children cannot go to school because of the economic problems, SSCBR supplies school materials. When prior support to catch up with other children is needed, SSCBR arranges for special sessions to be conducted by volunteers in children's home or sends them to pre-schools. However, it is difficult to know to what extent SSCBR has tackled the problems that disabled people face within a whole picture in those areas, because there is no base-line data on disabilities.

In Neluwa, SSCBR started their activities in 1994 and currently covers 42 disabled children and 250 disabled adults (Table 5). However, again, the whole picture of the situation of disabled people in Neluwa is lacking and what is not known is to what extent SSCBR is actually tackling the problems. SSCBR may have to tackle the invisibility of disabled people, rather than to target how far they have overcome the problems.

Table 5: Number of people with disabilities covered by SSCBR[13]

Before school age girls 17
Before school age boys 15
School age girls 12 (6)
School age boys 7 (4)
Female adults 129
Men adults 112
Total 292

( ) = primary age within the number

Utilising the rich experience in other areas, SSCBR has established a co-operative relationship with medical facilities and some schools in the area. Since many disabled people/children have some kinds of disease, the first task when the field worker meets a disabled person/child is to refer them to the dispensary, and when the disabled people/child has complicated impairments, he/she is referred to the hospital for basic diagnosis. The health centres are also used for providing vaccinations for disabled children, and for awareness programmes. In some schools, awareness programmes and medical clinics are sometimes held (Table 6). Some disabled children have been accepted in schools with SSCBR's help. However, the whole participation rate of disabled children seems to be much lower than that of non-disabled children in the area. The reasons for this will be examined later in this section.

Table 6: The Relation between SSCBR and local schools[14]

Relation to SSCBR

Name of School


No. of Pupils

Awareness programmes

medical clinics

Ambelegedara 3+ 20 - - -
Lamkagama 3+ 159 1 2 -
Ihala Lelwala 3+ 117 - - -
Warukandeniya 3+ 45 1 - -
Medagama 3+ 124 - - -
Milawa 3+ 212 - - -
West Batuwangala 3+ 59 1 - -
Mawanana 3+ 233 1 - -
Mawita 3+ 261 - - -
Dewalegama 3+ 51 - - -
Hppitaya 3+ 164 2 2 community welfare society for disabled people are established
Gigimmaduwa 2 434 - - -
Batuwangala 2 435 3 - 5 disabled children are accepted
Dellawa 2 569 3 - 3 disabled children are
Kadihingala 2 372 - - -
Neluwa ns 2356 7 - -
Total - 5611 19 4

Type of Schools (Refer to Table 1: Type of Government School)
3+: grade 1-8 (variation of Type 3 school)
2 : grade 1-11 (Type 2 school)
ns : grade 1-13 (national school)

One of the important tasks for SSCBR is to help economically disadvantaged families to get monthly subsidies, as they tend to be too busy earning a subsistence or lack access to the information. It is especially difficult for those who live in remote places to follow the necessary procedures.
Through the activities of the past 8 years, the project manager of SSCBR and the field worker in Neluwa feel that people in the area have gradually started to change their negative attitudes. However, there is no indication of how and how much people have changed their attitudes.

Despite the successes of the SSCBR, there still seem to be challenges, especially in Neluwa. Firstly, in all the other areas covered by SSCBR, volunteers have been vital for working with/for disabled people, but this is not the case in Neluwa. Although there used to be some volunteers, SSCBR was forced to break up the volunteer group because of its socio-economic situation. Geographical features make visits to disabled people and monthly meetings difficult, also people who are economically disadvantaged are generally too busy earning a subsistence to act fully as volunteers[15]. As a result, the number of volunteers was limited and their vital action couldn't be sustained. Currently, a field worker is the only one who plans and implements the daily activities to support disabled people. Consequently, the focus tends to be on providing minimum medical treatment rather than providing a wide range of support including education, which shows that the medical model of disability appears to be dominant throughout the programme.

Secondly, the link between disability and economic disadvantages seems to be persistent, as reviewed in chapter 2 and 3. Currently SSCBR has worked with 19 families with disabled school age children (Table 5). Ten of those families are either unemployed or do not have a steady income, seven are working with a low income and only two are financially stable (Brahmana 2001). As examined in Chapter 3, the economic disadvantage that disabled people face is historically and socially constructed. Although SSCBR has provided financial support or measures for self-employment, it tends to be ad hoc and it may be too ambitious for a single grass-root activity to make a radical change of the social structure happen. However, more involvement of the members of the community would contribute to improve the whole situation.

Thirdly, the participation rate of disabled children is still low in Neluwa, although SSCBR has helped disabled children to receive basic education. Currently, with the support of SSCBR, eight children out of 19 have been accepted in some local schools and two children with visual impairment are attending a special boarding school for the blind. However the remaining eight[16] are not attending school due to disability, economic problems, or both.

Moreover, it is likely that there are other disabled people whom SSCBR has not covered, because geographical difficulties do not allow the field worker to have access to them. In reality, there are some areas, like those located in remote areas, which SSCBR has not fully accessed yet. Again, if there were more involvement by volunteers working with the field worker, the area that SSCBR covers could be expanded.

Finally, changing attitudes towards disability is not easy regardless of who take the initiative for change. They cannot be changed unless people perceive the need themselves, as examined in chapter 2. It requires a continuous approach and support with taking a long time. More active participation of people in the community seems to be crucial. Community involvement in the project would also benefit the SSCBR in improving the quality of the programme by helping them to overcome those challenges.

[1] Sarvodaya Suwasetha Community Based Rehabilitation programme
[2] Appendix 4: Map of Sri Lanka and Neluwa
[3] Comparing the area size of each crop, tea plantation accounts for about 74% of the whole plantation area (Brahmana, 2001)
[4] 2061 families out of 2,337 families receive 'Samurdhi', monthly subsidies from government (Brahmana, 2001)
[5] Source, Brahmana, 2001
[6] The Sarvodaya Shramadana Sangamaya is one of the best known local NGOs in Sri Lanka, which was established in 1962 by Sr. A. Ariyaratne (ESCAP*, 1996). It is well known world-wide due to its unique philosophy and strategy for community development. Suwasetha Sewa is one of the 8 legally independent units which takes charge of social services. Sarvodaya Shramadana mean ' sharing of time, thoughts and energy for the awakening of all' in Sanskrit. (Ekanayake, 1999)
*ESCAP: Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
[7] Some villages are partly covered, as shown in Appendix 4.
[8] Appendix 4: Map of Sri Lanka and Neluwa
[9] See Nakanishi (2000b) and Nakanishi and Kuno (1997) for the other case studies of CBRs in different places.
[10] In this paper, the term 'community' refers to the village which is administratively demarcated. However, it would need to be acknowledged that defining the exact 'community' to be involved tends to be the essential problem especially in the CBR field, because there are vastly different interests, for example disabled people, their family members, professionals and bureaucrats whose needs are varied (Boyce and Lysak, 2000).
[11] Appendix 5: SSCBR's statistics for the year 1999
[12] Appendix 5: Administrative structure of SSCBR
[13] Source: Sarvodaya Suwasetha Sewa Society, 1999
[14] Source: Sarvodaya Suwasetha Sewa Society, 1999
[15] According to the interviews with the project manager and the field worker in Neluwa.
[16] There is no data for the other one child.

Chapter 5
The Innovation

This chapter discusses the theoretical approach of the innovation. As previously explained, the target group of this project is the invisible people who are left behind in government initiated innovations. This study intends to use a phenomenological approach, in which participation by those affected is central, in order to reflect fully the cultural attitudinal factors related to the change. The first section examines phenomenological and participatory approaches. The reason why these approaches are appropriate for this innovation will be considered, and the strengths and weaknesses of the approaches will also be highlighted. The second section reviews one of the participatory approaches, 'Child-to-Child', that this study is going to apply. Finally, I will analyse how inclusive education, CBR and the Child-to-Child approach complement each other.

5.1. Methodology
5.1.1. Conventional approach
Government-initiated innovations often adopt an objective approach. Advantage of this could be that, by viewing the whole picture, relatively large-scale and radical change is possible. This fact is illustrated by the substantial progress in EFA over the past decade. However, as Havelock and Huberman (1978) argue, although the systems model, one of the most extreme form of the objective approach, is not always associated with a 'top-down' approach, it is the most frequently used strategy whilst 'participative problem-solving strategy' is the least. This classical analysis seems to be still valid. Fullan (1991), who takes a subjective stance for change, asserts that it is essential to understand the situation at both micro and macro levels for successful change, but the enormous number of unsuccessful social reforms arise from the neglect of small pictures, -the subjective realities of those involved. He continues that, when the reform is undertaken at large-scale, in which numerous agencies are involved at different levels, it is not easy to take account of the different perspective of those involved. This could be a major reason why large-scale reforms tend to fail to reach desirable outcomes at the micro level. Consequently some groups of people can be overlooked and left behind, and these are often powerless people who need support the most.

5.1.2. Phenomenological and participatory approach
The phenomenological approach sees change as 'a process of coming to grips with the multiple realities of people, who are the main participants in implementing change', and so 'the innovations are not ends in themselves' (Fullan, 1991, p.95, p.28). This approach stresses the role of the individual and emphasises taking the subjective reality of those affected on board. In this sense, innovations based on this approach should be bottom-up, participatory, and not be directive and prescriptive. Studies have proven that this approach has potential for uncovering the realities by giving voice to the voiceless (Chambers and Blackburn, 1996). Fullan (1993) reminds ourselves that 'every person is a change agent' (p.22), and specifically 'educational change is a learning experience for the adults involved as well as for children' (1991, p.66) Thus, participation is one of the key components of the phenomenological approach.

Participation has a variety of meanings stemming from diverse roots (Boyce and Lysack, 2000; Rebien, 1996). Drawing on Shaeffer (1994), 'participation' refers to the concept along a continuum from passive forms at one end to more active forms at the other (Figure 4). The more active form of participation can bring greater and more sustainable change.

Figure 4: The Degree of Participation[1]

As real decision-makers at every stage

As implementers of delegated powers
As a partner to other actors
Through consultation or feedback on a particular issue
As an attendant: passive recipient of the other's decision
Through the contribution of resources, materials and labour
The mere use of a service

The participatory approach took off in the 1980s as the focus of development discourse transformed from merely economic-growth to human development (Korten, 1990; Chambers, 1992). Considering this history, it could be said that the participatory approach stemmed from concerns about the unsuccessful outcomes and the limitations of conventional methods, which tended to use a top-down, authoritarian approach and failed to capture the complex and diverse reality of each situation. The participatory approach also emphasises participation and processes, which empower powerless people by enabling them to express and analyse the realities of their lives and to plan what action to take (Chambers and Blackburn, 1996).

Through the process of change, each affected actor would find the meaning of change to each subjective reality. The better the subjective meaning of change is understood, the more exactly the change will meet the specific needs of those it was designed to help. Thus, plans based on this approach need to be flexible and adaptive. Shaeffer (1994) adds the benefits of this approach, saying that it can also lead to 'changes in knowledge, attitudes, skills and the distribution of power across individuals and communities' and to 'services more sustainable over time' (p.191). He continues that the participatory approach can bring benefits to individuals, communities and society at large. In sum, the strengths of this approach are highlighted in Box 1. ;

Box 1: The strength of Phenomenological and Participatory Approach

Considering the nature of the proposed innovation, this study which extensively focuses on invisible people intends to use a participatory approach within phenomenological stance. The project aims to promote social change working with invisible people at grass-roots level. And the target group is those who left behind in conventional approaches because they are not flexible enough to take account of micro level realities. The participatory approach has the potential to reflect fully the target group's multiple realities, by encouraging them to become active change agents. Moreover, this innovation needs to engage with changing people's attitude towards disability and also tackling the possible stereotypes. These are based on the historically and socially constructed cultural values, which will not be changed by directive approaches. The sustainable change will be brought about only when people understand the meaning of change.

However, this approach 'should not be seen as a new panacea' (Shaeffer, 1994 p.191), and like the objective approach, it also has limitations. Fullan (1991) states that 'intrinsic dilemmas in the change process...make successful change a highly complex and subtle social process' (p.66). Khalteli et al (1995) stress from their experience in Lesotho that a bottom-up approach to promoting inclusive education is likely to result in little impact on the system as a whole, especially when there is weak conceptual understanding of specific issues in meeting the needs of disabled children.

Another limitation of the participatory approach is that it is time consuming and the level of participation/involvement of each actor cannot always be maintained at the same level. If good facilitators[2] are lacking, power relationship among actors may emerge and the approach will result in being 'top-down'. Moreover, it is extremely difficult to change attitudes and beliefs, and they are difficult to measure. Hence, there are risks that 'two forms of nonchange' will occur: (1) 'false clarity' -people think that they have changed but have only assimilated the superficial trappings of the new practice, and (2) 'painful unclarity' -when unclear innovations are attempted under conditions that do not support the development of the subjective meaning of the change, people often feel fear to change (Fullan, 1991, p.34-35). In order for change to be implemented successfully, both the strengths and weaknesses of the approach should be kept in mind. The weaknesses of this approach are highlighted in Box. 2.

Box 2: The Weakness of Phenomenological and Participatory Approaches

In order to overcome the weaknesses of the participatory approach, as Fullan (1991) argues, 'objective reality' also needs to be understood 'as an essential precondition for formulating our own subjective response' (p.36). His claim is that innovation is 'multidimensional', and for feasible and lasting change to take place, it necessitates interventions to occur on at least three dimensions: materials, approaches and beliefs (p.37). An extreme form of either approach will not bring about positive changes; 'top-down strategies cause grief but no relief, bottom-up approaches produce the odd spurt but eventually drown in a sea of inertia' (Fullan, 1999, p.29). In making a positive change happen, it is important to understand the strengths and weaknesses of each approaches, so that each strength can complement the other weakness.

5.1.2. Monitoring and Evaluation
In the past, only limited attention has been paid to monitoring and evaluation (M&E) (Moegiadi et al, 1994). However, M&E are 'essential components of all management strategies' and should be integral part of the innovation. (Rondinelli et al, 1990, p.108).

The distinction between monitoring and evaluation is often blurred and they are often used interchangeably (Hoppers and Little, 1994). Monitoring is sometimes considered part of formative evaluation (Herman et al. 1987). However, it is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the terminology, therefore, the following definition (Box 3) will be used in this paper.

Box 3: Definition of Monitoring and Evaluation

This study also considers M&E as an essential component of a successful innovation. Monitoring is important because attitudinal changes are difficult to measure and cannot be quantified. Thus, continuous monitoring is needed to check whether subjective realities are reflected adequately in the programme and to adapt the project in an on going process when it is necessary. Evaluation is also important to judge the overall effectiveness of the project and whether or not it deserves to continue. Moreover, through the evaluation, those affected by the project will understand how much impact they have gained and how far the situation has changed them.

Taking account of the nature of the project, which puts emphasis on the participation of those affected, the process of M&E should also be participatory. Conventional M&E often takes a predetermined objective approach, where senior managers or outside experts plan and manage the process and the stakeholders, who are the intended beneficiaries, are only provided with information by them (Gujit and Gaventa, 1998). On the other hand, participatory M&E takes an adaptive approach, and involves all the stakeholders, local people, project staff, managers and others in designing, adapting the methodology, collecting and analysing information, and linking them to action (ibid.). Rebien (1996) defines it as 'a problem-solving process, where intervention stakeholders in a joint effort, systematically collect and analyse data on the project and use that information to change implementation accordingly' (p.173). Thus, for this study, it would be indispensable to involve both disabled and non-disabled children, their families, teachers and volunteers, with facilitation by staff of SSCBR.

However, it should be noted that participatory M&E also has limitations, which are similar to the weaknesses in the participatory approach (see Box 2). Furthermore, it is difficult to implement participatory M&E when the project is a large scale, due to the large numbers of stakeholders who are required to share the process and information (Rebien, ibid.). Thus, as Fullan (1991) claims, a change can be more effective when both subjective and objective M&E are integrated. Conventional and participatory M&E need to be complementary.

5.2. The Child-to-Child Approach
As discussed in the previous section, participation is the key factor of this innovation. Children's participation especially needs to be taken on board for this study, because the main focus of this innovation is children who need the removal of barriers to participation and learning. 'Child-to-Child' is one of the participatory approaches which sees children's participation as central (Figure 5).

Figure 5: The Child-to-Child approach

The debate surrounding participation has led to an awareness of the need for groups of powerless people, previously ignored, to take a central role. However, children are likely to be seen as 'a different sort of category' and 'seen as ignorant -to be taught; irresponsible -to be disciplined; immature, -to be brought up; incapable -to be protected; a nuisance. Children from low social groups, like girls and disabled, are particularly looked down upon (Chambers, 1998, p.xvi).

Yet, as Fullan (1991) claims, the importance of children's equal involvement also needs to be taken on board. Child-to Child is an approach which advocates children being seen as active change agents and not just receivers. This is based on the belief that children, together with their teacher, can become 'locksmiths' who understand both the nature of the locks; specific local contexts of their family and community, and how to make appropriate keys; appropriate and sensitive measures to improve specific situations (Pridmore, 1998 p.120). Also, children are believed to have the power to spread the messages and practices, which are gained from the key making process, to other children, families and the members of communities (Pridmore and Stephen, 2000; Somerset, 1987).

The Child-to-Child approach was originally formulated for education for health promotion, with the influence of major theories of education, which are shown in Box 4. However, when this process of development and the principles mentioned in the previous paragraph are considered, Child-to-Child would not need to be limited to education for health promotion. In fact, the approach has been applied to broader educational perspective in many countries seeking to bring children into partnership with adults to improve the living conditions of the community (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.; Somerset, ibid.; Obeng, 1998).

Box 4: The Major Educational Influences on Child-to-Child

(Pridmore and Stephen, 2000, p.29)

The aims of Child-to-Child are to assist and enrich learning and teaching by making the process more active, child-centred, participatory and relevant with a belief that children can enjoy learning and understand what learning means through the process (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.; Somerset, ibid.). Alongside this idea, a number of methods have been developed over period of time. The emphasis of those methods is active learning and teaching by a step-by-step process, which could be conducted in different learning environment. The key elements of the methods are highlighted in the following Box 5 and 6.

Box 5: Key elements of the Child-to-Child approach 1: Active learning and teaching

Box 6: Key elements of the Child-to-Child approach 2: Step by step process

Step-by-step process                  

Learning place            Living place
(Class/School)   (Home/Community)
Awareness raising
・Learn about an issue and understand
・Find our more about the issue at home/ community with peers
Critical thinking
・Discuss findings and think about how to improve the situation
・Make a plan for action
・Carry out plan
・Discuss the action and the results
・Reflect on the experience and present it



・Evaluate through discussion
・Plan a better action/ next step
   Carry on with Actions
(Referred to Pridmore and Stephens, 2000; Soboh, 1997; Kassam- Khamis, 2000)

By conducting activities in different learning places, the approach can strengthen relationships between school, home and community. Also, the approach intends to involve many actors in the community and sees that children can play an active role in educating other children, family and community (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.; Somerset, ibid.). This is how children can be change agents for community development.

As seen above, Child-to-Child is part of participatory and phenomenology approaches (Figure 5), which emphasises the process and takes an adoptive approach. The weaknesses of phenomenological and participatory approach (Box 1) should be also kept in mind in using Child-to-Child. In addition, 'inevitable' power relationships between adults and children should be taken into account (Adams, 1998). In this approach, although adults are expected to complement children's role as facilitators, they tend to take a patronising or over-directive stance due to the traditional view of children which has restricted children's participation (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.). Especially in traditional non-western culture where there is a strong hierarchical social structure, it is not easy for younger children to pass messages to elder children and adults, and this approach is likely to encounter resistance (Pridmore and Stephens, ibid.; Otaala et al, 1994).

From my personal observation, this limitation may be applied in the Sri Lankan context. Sri Lanka has a culture of obedience to position power based on age, educational level and social status. The factor of age seems to be especially strong and generally elder people are treated with respect. This may mean that it would not be always easy for younger persons to speak out to the elders.

However, if this point is sensitively dealt with, it can pose 'a fundamental threat to adult/child power relationships, which makes its institutionalization a great challenge' (Johnson et al, 1998 p.175). Lessons can be learned from a successful case in Botswana.

The Child-to Child approach was used as a school based programme in Botswana for the purpose of health promotion (Otaala, et al, 1994). Although the notion of children helping each other seems to be highly acceptable in Botswana's cultural norm, passing messages from younger to elder, especially to adults, goes against the norm that children have a lower status within the strongly hierarchical social structure (Pridmore and Stephens, 2000). Considering this cultural norm, the programme focused on what the older children could do to introduce skills for health promotion to children at pre-school age, and named elder children 'little teacher' (Pridmore and Stephens, 2000; Otaala, et al, 1994). Teachers were responsible for implementing the programme and in order to overcome the barrier which comes from children's lower position in relation to adults, they strongly encouraged members of the community to be fully engaged with the programme (ibid.). Due to their facilitation, parents frequently came to school and talked about what their children had been doing in the programme, this led to the programme's success.

In conclusion, the Child-to-Child approach would be applied to this project taking cultural values into consideration. Firstly, it would be applied to promote inclusive education. Warner (1998) states that 'disabled and non-disabled children interrelate and learn from each other through play, work, joint adventures, and creative problem-solving' (p.286). These are the methods emphasised in the Child-to-Child approach. Secondly, it would be appropriate for places like Neluwa where adults are too busy to work fully as volunteers, though, needless to say, the children would need to be supported by adults, such as CBR workers, teachers and parents. Finally, the process of active learning would benefit all the children in the area by challenging the prevailing discourse of rote learning which seems to be brought about by examination oriented schooling.

5.3. The Relationship between 'Inclusive Education', 'CBR' and the 'Child-to-Child approach'
As mentioned in section 3.4.1, CBR has emerged in response to the limited success of the conventional approach of institution based rehabilitation, which is underpinned by the medical model of disability (Figure 1) and too often takes the 'top -down' approach[3]. Werner (1995) criticises it as assimilatory, saying that the tacit objective of this provision is 'to normalise disabled persons into the existing unfair and discriminatory society' (p.11).

CBR was widely spread in the 1980s[4] when WHO started to encourage it as part of the primary health care promotion especially in developing countries (Kobayashi, 1996; Wolffers and Finkenfl殀el, 1993). In early times, the WHO model of CBR was criticised as having a medical model (Figure 1) bias in which the main focus was to disperse basic rehabilitation techniques to community level workers and families as a cheap alternative to the institution based provision (Wolffers and Finkenfl殀el, ibid.). Over time, the concept has shifted away from the medical approach towards the strategy for community development. Taking the aspect of the social model of disability (Figure 2) into account, the strategy emphasises the multi-sectoral approach in which all members of the community are encouraged to improve the quality of life of disabled people (Kobayashi, 1996; ESCAP[5], 1998; Helander, 1993). In 1994, WHO, ILO[6] and UNESCO issued the Joint Position Paper and the following definition in the paper is widely accepted nowadays:

Community-based rehabilitation (CBR) is a strategy within community development for the rehabilitation, equalization of opportunities and social integration of all people with disabilities. CBR is implemented through the combined efforts of disabled people themselves, their families and communities, and the appropriate health, education, vocational and social services
          (ILO, UNESCO and WHO, 1994 p.4).

Therefore, 'participation' is the key factor of CBR. Using the 'bottom-up' approach, it aims to empower disabled people and to transform 'our present society into one that is fairer, more truly democratic and more appreciating human differences' (Werner, 1995, p.11). Many academics and practitioners (e.g. Werner, D., Mendis, P., Nakanishi, Y., Coleridge, P., Lang, R.) especially emphasise the importance of disabled people's active participation. Werner (1993, 1995) clarifies the reasons for this from his own experience in the project PROJIMO[7] in Mexico where disabled people implement CBR through the village rehabilitation centre run by themselves. This is summarised in Table 7.

Table 7: The practical reasons of the importance of disabled people's involvement[8]

Disabled workers tend to be more sensitive to the needs and feelings of other disabled people, and to relate to them more as equals.

Disabled workers are more likely to involve those who come for rehabilitation in the problem solving process. This permits the disabled people to play an important role in evaluating their own needs and in figuring out what therapy or assistive equipment might be more effective. Disabled people then become the subjects not the objects of rehabilitation.

Disabled workers can often provide better rehabilitation aids and therapy at meeting the real needs of the user, because of the insight which they gain from their own experience of disability.

Disabled workers can play an important role as the role model that disabled leaders and crafts-persons present to disabled children and their families, which help parents who deeply love disabled children not to overprotect them. The positive understanding of disability is the first big step of rehabilitation or ennoblement, and ultimately of empowerment.

Having disabled people with limited formal education as leaders and highly skilled technicians helps to demystify the rehabilitation process in two ways: 1) hands-on experience and personal commitment can sometimes outweigh years of rote learning and official diplomas. 2) it moves disabled people from passive recipients to active participants in the rehabilitation or enabling process. This will bring more open and liberating point of view to the disabled people and also to society as a whole, which would contribute to change people's attitudes to disability.

Providing hands-on skills training and leadership opportunities to disabled people in the field of rehabilitation and disability rights provides employment in an area where their disability is a valuable qualification rather than a handicap.

4* as the most important reason of all

The importance of disabled people's involvement is a view shared by the Child-to-Child approach. The heart of both strategies is the idea that genuine social change can only be brought about by the active participation of those who most need the change.

The historical trend, the transition from segregated institution based rehabilitation to CBRs, mirrors that of education for children with disabilities; the move from a segregated education system to inclusive education, as examined in chapter 2.3. These experiences of segregated provision raised questions about the quality of impact and its sustainability: what has been brought from the segregated setting is the 'invisibility' of disabled people. Lack of interaction with disabled people contributed to the mystification of their existence. People likely came to focus on what they cannot do, rather than what they can do, which does not help to dispel the fear, prejudice and stigma towards disability. Segregated settings where professionals and specialists tend to dominate require a large initial investment for building facilities and training specialists. Consequently, those facilities are more often concentrated in urban areas and only relatively rich people could afford to receive these services. Lessons have been learned from this experience. People have become aware of the limitations and evils of segregated settings, hence the increasing recognition of the importance of inclusive education and CBRs.

However, it seems not easy to transform the idea into practice. Although the concept has evolved from medical approach towards community development, in practice, the concept is often misused and unfortunately the medical approach is still in use in some cases (Nakanishi and Kuno, 1997; Stone, 1999). This struggle also mirrors the one experienced by inclusive education, which is that the practice for inclusion often becomes a matter of changing the learning place of disabled children when it is implemented with a medical approach. This reality shows the difficulty of initiating a programme which challenges deeply held beliefs and prejudices. However, once the difficulties start to be overcome, it will hopefully lead to a sustainable improvement in the quality of life of all the members of the community. The commonality of CBR and inclusive education is highlighted in Table 8.

Table 8: The commonality between CBR and Inclusive Education

Ultimate goal An Inclusive society where diversity is welcomed and everyone has equal access to needs.
The underpinning Model of disability The social model of disability; need to change social structure including people's attitudes to disability
Focus ・The right of all people, not the needs of disabled people
・What people can do, not what people cannot do
・To design a welcome environment for everyone, not seek appropriate places for disabled people
Approach ・Emphasise the process of change;
・Emphasise the participation of those affected; not only disabled people and their families, but also the other members of the community.
・Collaborative problem solving, not special input by specialists and professionals
・Need multi-sectoral approach, not technical matter.
Beneficiaries All members of society, not only disabled people

Thus, CBR and inclusive education can be soundly combined, and this can be efficiently promoted by the Child-to-Child approach. Werner (1987, 1998) explains that it is children's nature to be either cruel or kind to the child who is different, and the cruelty usually stems from fear of what they do not understand, which means that cruelty can be easily shifted to kindness with only a little awareness-raising. Werner (ibid.) suggests, Child-to-Child can be effectively used to help children gain awareness of disability and understand the different abilities that each individual has. Also, from my personal experience of co-ordinating volunteer activities, it seems to be certainly easier to integrate disabled and non-disabled people when they are at a younger age. Generally speaking, people who have experience of interacting with disabled people at school age can more easily join the activities with disabled people. Moreover, people in the community are likely to understand people with disabilities better when they have known disabled people from their childhood. Thus, it would be more efficient to raise awareness of disability issues when the interaction starts from younger age.

Although there are few case studies for promoting inclusive education by using the Child-to-Child approach[9], some relevant case studies will be referred in designing the implementation plan in the next chapter. Especially the training guidelines (see Appendix 7[10] for further details) developed in Palestine for promoting inclusive education using Child-to-Child will be used considerably. Lessons can be learned from their experience, even if the contexts and conditions are not same as in Sri Lanka.

[1[ Source: UNICEF, 1986, cited in Shaeffer, 1994 p.
[2] Chambers and Blackburn (1996) explain good facilitators as those who can act as 'convenors and catalysts, but without dominating the process and many find this difficult (p2).
[3] There is a criticism that the term of 'rehabilitation' gives the impression of medical approach. This brought about a trend to re-name this programme in the end of the 1980's, but no name has been substituted yet as the term of CBR has been widely recognised (Nakanishi and Kuno 1997). Helander (1993) understands rehabilitation in CBR in a broader concept, saying that 'rehabilitation includes not only the training of disabled people but also interventions in the general systems of society, adaptations of the environment and protection of human rights' (p.17).
[4] According to Kobayashi (1996), CBR has existed since 1960's.
[5] ESCAP: Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
[6] ILO: The International Labour Office
[7] Project PROJIMO is famous as one of the most successful CBRs. Werner wrote 'Disabled Village Children' (1987), which are widely used as a manual for CBRs all over the world, based on the experience of ROJIMO.
[8] Source: Werner, 1993 p.x-xi, 1995, p.8-9
[9] According to the interview with Scotchmer, C. Executive Secretary, Child-to-Child Trust
[10] Appendix 7: Training Guidelines for Implementors of the Child-to-Child Activity Sheet

Chapter 6

This chapter develops and designs the proposal for promoting inclusive education in Neluwa through a participatory approach, namely, Child-to-Child. In order to pursue the aims and objectives described in chapter 1, the strategy will be designed to tackle the issues identified in earlier chapters. It should be mentioned beforehand that, considering the nature of a participatory approach, the following plan is provisional and should be very flexible so that each participant's own experience and perspective are reflected fully in the process at all times.

Firstly, the expected outcomes will be shown. Secondly, the implementation strategies will be explored in terms of what is feasible in the initial stages, considering how to realise the expected outcomes within the specific context discussed in the previous chapters. Thirdly, possible obstacles will be highlighted along with strategies to cope with them. Finally, a detailed plan will be designed.

6.1. Expected outcomes
The value of this innovation is to contribute to ensuring basic primary education for all children. As agreed in the World Conference on Special Needs Education at Salamanca (1994), inclusive education could benefit all children, irrespective of disability and gender.

Moreover, it could be a challenge for the ritualistic learning experiences characteristic of education in Sri Lanka. By using the Child-to-Child approach, children's learning experiences would hopefully be active/ not ritualistic, with all children recognising the importance of active learning, which would in turn improve the quality of education.

Another value of the innovation would hopefully be that awareness of disability issues could be raised in the community. This could lead to a longer-term outcome that the community itself would be empowered by enhancing networks between disabled people and their families and other members of the community. It could be the embodiment of the ultimate goal of inclusive education, which is to contribute to the realisation of an inclusive society where diversity is welcomed (EENET, 1998).

A particular challenge for this innovation will be engaging with changing attitudes to disability, and also tackling possible stereotypes based on religious values that disabled people are viewed as those who are given charity to survive (see chapter 3.4.2. and 4.2.), none of which is easy.

The above outcomes will be kept in mind when planning and designing the implementation strategies. Additionally, they can be used in monitoring and evaluating the project.

6.2. Implementation strategies
6.2.1. The order of priority of the objectives
This project has set long-term objectives as shown in chapter 1. However, it would be too ambitious to pursue all the objectives at the same time. Thus, to be realistic, the proposed activities will be set in one initial pilot school, focusing on achieving objective (a) 'to work towards the removal of barriers to disabled children's participation', which is strongly inter-linked with objectives (b) 'to work towards the removal of barriers to learning for all children' and (c) 'to increase the recognition of importance of active learning. At every stage, a gender sensitive approach will be taken in order to ensure that girls/females are not disadvantaged because of the gender differences, as reviewed in 2.2.3 and 3.3.
If these immediate objectives are achieved, the long term targets; d) raising awareness of disability issues and e) enhancing community networks which will ultimately result in an inclusive society, will be hopefully brought about. This will be discussed in the next chapter as 'toward wider change'.

6.2.2. Setting achievable targets
A key factor for the successful implementation of this project is a change of attitudes and beliefs of people in the community, which is extremely difficult as mentioned earlier. According to Rondinelli et al (1990), attitudes and values 'can be modified over time through training, socialization, incentives and reinforcement' (p.153). Thus, awareness raising will be the main focus especially in the initial period. Moreover, the proposed project needs to allow enough time so that the processes are used as measures to guide people's action, reflecting their subjective realities, not to force people with rigid controls.

As reviewed in previous chapters, changing attitudes and using the participatory approach takes a longer period of time. However, it does not mean that limitless time should be allocated, otherwise, it will 'drawn in a sea of inertia' (Fullan, 1999, p.29). To avoid this apprehension, the implementation plan for this innovation will be set with a relatively small target which is achievable within quite a short period. Thus, this proposal is going to focus on the first cycle for the initial pilot. Depending on the result, the target will be re-considered and gradually expanded in the following cycle.

Another strategy to make the target achievable will be to plan activities to take place frequently but for a short time in the hope that it will broaden the opportunities for participants to reflect and assimilate their learning experience. This will be reinforced by the ongoing support of the facilitators and monitoring which will be done at all stages.

Considering the above factors, the first project cycle will run for a year divided in 5 phases plus evaluation. Additionally, two months preparation time will be allocated at the start of the project. Further expansion of the project will be considered after the evaluation.

More specifically, in the initial phase of the first cycle, the focus is likely to be on removing a range of fears and prejudice to disability that teachers and children may have. Then, it considers how to physically bring disabled children into classroom. In the later phase, the focus will gradually move to encouraging people to engage with the work and participation at the level of developing relationship and socially interacting with disabled children. Moreover, specific barriers based on the individual needs of the children, such as curriculum modification, will be considered as the needs arise.

6.2.3. Facilitators of the project
As reviewed in 5.1.2, the key to the success of the participatory approach lies in the facilitators. In terms of the staffing, the project will need to rely on the experienced staff of SSCBR; the field worker in Neluwa, the field supervisor of Gall district and the project manager (Appendix 6[1]). As examined in chapter 4.3, the reason why the proposed project is planned to be implemented through an existing programme, SSCBR, is their developed familiarity to the specific context in Neluwa. It seems crucial for the success of the project to make the most use of their resources, not only the material resources, but also intangible resources, like the established relationship, experience of working with disabled people, knowledge about disabilities and so on. Therefore, it is expected that the project will be better implemented by the SSCBR staff who have been working in this area with people in the community, rather than inviting newly employed staff from outside. In sum, the experienced staff of SSCBR needs to act as the project facilitators.

This limited staffing suggests that the project needs to be carefully monitored to ensure that it is not done at the expense of existing activities. If the staff of SSCBR feel the project is too much extra work, the project will never be sustained, which will lead a failure.

6.2.4. Selection of schools
This project will start at one initial pilot school because, considering the limited staffing, it will be beyond the capacity of the staff to set the project at all the schools in Neluwa.

For the initial pilot, it would be more appropriate to work with the schools which already have experience of working with SSCBR. Amongst these schools (Table 6), either Batuwangala or Dellawa would be the most appropriate, because several disabled children have already been accepted and they can act as role models. The importance of the active participation of disabled children is discussed in chapter 5.3.

6.2.5. Target group
As mentioned earlier, the first task relates to objective (a) 'to remove barriers to participation for children with disabilities in primary education'. Therefore, the main target group is disabled children who live in the catchment area of the pilot school. When there are disabled children who have difficulties attending schools because of their physical impairments, education may need to take place in contexts other than schools.

However, considering the capacity of the project, the initial target focus will be on those who can come to schools. All efforts to support disabled children to come to schools need to be made, for example, by persuading parents to bring them to schools or arranging other children who can help them. This will not be an easy task, especially at the initial pilot stage when positive outcomes of the project cannot be shown to parents. It is likely to require engaging all resources, both financial and human. Thus, providing education out side school will be a later target.

If some disabled children are currently attending special schools, the transfer to local schools will be discussed with all agents: SSCBR, teachers of both the local and the special schools, parents and the child. However, neither school can be perfect. Both the advantages and disadvantages of attending either school will be examined in the decision.

6.3. Possible obstacles
'The changes in the educational sector were almost nowhere perfect' (Helander, 1993, p.5). Hurst (1983) explains that 'the practical problem of implementation can only be reliably tackled on the basis of a sound theoretical understanding of the causes of adoption and rejection of innovations' (p.14-15). Therefore, for successful implementation, it seems to be crucial to address possible obstacles and clarify the causes in advance, although unpredictable obstacles are inevitable.

6.3.1. Resistance to the innovation
As Marris states (1975 cited in Fullan 1991, p.31) that 'all real change involves loss, anxiety and struggle', the project may encounter resistance. However, 'any innovation cannot be assimilated unless its meaning is shared' (Marris, ibid.). Therefore, efforts need to be made to reach a consensus on the expected outcomes of the innovation (see chapter 6.1.) with expected participants; SSCBR, disabled people and their families, teachers and children in a local school, and other members of the community.

A major strength of using SSCBR as facilitators is that they have been enthusiastically practising the CBR programme, which certainly improves the situation of people with disabilities (see chapter 4.3.). In addition, SSCBR has been aware of the necessity for a change especially in Neluwa[2], where no volunteer works with them. Therefore, SSCBR will hopefully be interested in trying out this plan, if it is not intending to make too much extra work for them.

It may be a much harder task for teachers in schools to accept the innovation, because some teachers seem to be lacking in enthusiasm which can be understood by their low attendance rate (see chapter 4.1). Additionally, as Jangira and Ahuja (1994) encountered in a study of educational innovation in India, examination-oriented schooling may discourage teachers from trying to meet the needs of every child.

Yet, Jangira and Ahuja (1994) also claim that teacher development is the key to the success of including disabled children in the mainstream school system and that if teachers can respond to the diversity of educational needs in the classroom, it will ultimately contribute to change the prevailing school culture and benefit all children. Thus, it is evident that teachers' involvement is crucial for promoting inclusive education.

Harlan and Kinder (1997) argue that changed practice will not occur only by changed awareness, it requires 'value congruence' where participants have to adopt a positive meaning and value the change. Fullan (1991) adds another factor for changed practice, saying that, although teachers understand the value of change, when they do not have enough capacity for managing change or the change makes their job difficult, the successful change will not be brought about. Change is needed not only for improving the learning situation of students, but also for getting rid of teacher's frustration in their work.

Possible solutions would be that SSCBR should firstly discuss with teachers until their values become congruent with those of the innovation. Specifically, teachers need to fully understand and share the value of Child-to-Child and inclusive education. The pilot school will be one which already has a working relationship with SSCBR, which means that the school headteacher shows understanding of SSCBR and the school is likely to have an environment that would listen to what SSCBR suggests. Although not all teachers will accept the innovation, SSCBR will be able to seize an opportunity to set the project working with several enthusiastic staff. Moreover, at each implementation stage, considerable follow-up support by SSCBR and the headteacher will be provided. The on-going monitoring will give teachers opportunities to address their problems and needs.

Once SSCBR and the school agree to set up the project, the value of the innovation needs to be shared with children and parents. This will be promoted through awareness raising activities in the initial stage of the implementation plan. It should be expected that parents may reject the new approach if they think it will negatively affect their own children's educational progress, which is likely to make the implementation difficult. Good communication between schools and home will be required. For this purpose, a communication letter will be issued and parents and community members will be welcomed to the school anytime.

6.3.2. Cultural considerations
'An innovation stands the best chance of being carried out when it seems compatible with a region's culture' (Warwick et al, 1992, p.298). Khatleli et al (1995) caution that in relation to education for disabled children, indigenous belief and practice should not be ignored, because the provision of a segregated special education is 'a product of the West'. In the South, disabled people have often been cared for and educated by their community in a informal ways and 'casual integration'-where children with a range of impairments are already attending mainstream schools has often been seen (ibid.).

In the Sri Lankan context, 'Karma' (see chapter 3.4.2.) can be interpreted as viewing disability negatively. However, when the custom of 'Danne' is considered, people are unlikely to be reluctant to interact with disabled people. Nakanishi (2000c) also mentions that this Sri Lankan cultural value can be interpreted as a positive dimension; because knowledge about disability has not been widespread and people are willing to do something for disabled people rather than avoid them, disabled people can be naturally integrated in a community. This cultural value can be favourable when setting up the project. By asking people to be involved in the project, it is expected that they will gradually come to understand the socially constructed dimension of disability (see Figure 2), although this is merely the starting point of a long process.

The other concern in relation to culture is the hierarchical social structure of Sri Lanka, namely a culture of obedience. This issue, discussed in chapter 5.2, needs to be considered in designing the plan. The strategy used in Botswana (chapter 5.2.) will be applied to overcome this obstacle. Respecting the obedience culture, peer groups will be formed with a combination of elder and younger children. Passing messages from children to adults in the home will be supported by communication letters to be issued by the school. Also, it seems to be important to ensure the co-operation of influential personnel in the community, like the headteachers, priests and so on.

6.3.3. Funding
Funding is the main restraint in this innovation, because this innovation is proposed by an outsider who was involved in SSCBR for a limited period as a volunteer, without reliable sources for funding. However, if SSCBR accepts the proposal to act as the main implementor, SSCBR can request additional funding from the foreign NGOs which have been financially supporting them. Since the plan attempts to be implemented by maximising the resources SSCBR already has, the relatively small-scale of this project will not require a huge investment. Thus, it may be possible to negotiate extra funding for this project with the foreign NGOs.

Khatleli et al (1995) are wary of funding by donor agencies, saying that their funding criteria too often determine policy and practice entirely, and this may distort the orientation of change, if there is not enough discussion with local implementors. However, this does not seem to pose a danger to this innovation, because it is designed within the conventional activities of SSCBR, which has been funded by those agencies without any significant problems. Moreover, funding agencies will be asked to join the evaluation process, which will be an opportunity to share the value of the innovation.

I will now outline some specific items of the budget. The project does not plan to employ new staff, as mentioned earlier, and involvement will be principally encouraged on a voluntary basis. However, considering the difficult economic situation in Neluwa, to ask for involvement at their own expense is likely to discourage people from participating actively. Necessary expenses, like transportation fees, will need to be covered. Additionally, in case the number of adult volunteers is not sufficient, their time for the project may be compensated by a small reward to encourage active participation. Necessary expenses, such as stationery and refreshments, also need to be calculated for issuing communication letters, meetings, workshops and M&E.

Some intensive training and evaluation sessions could be accommodated at the project office and the headquarters of the main body of SSCBR in order to minimise the cost. Also, taking participants to urban areas could be regarded as a kind of reward, instead of providing payment.

Physical barriers to disabled children's attendance in school will need to be removed and this may be costly. However, the initial target group is comprised of those who are able to overcome geographical barriers, so it seems that radical reconstruction may not be required. Using local materials, SSCBR's carpenters could provide that are designed to suit individual needs, which would keep the expenses low. Furthermore, this cost may meet the funding criteria of funding agencies, because it can be similar to those for providing necessary appliances for disabled people.

6.4. Designing a plan for the innovation in year 1
This section presents a detailed plan for managing and implementing the innovation in year 1. At the end of each phase, monitoring will be conducted before going forward to the next phase. The plan is summarised in Table 9.

Table 9: Overview of a plan for the innovation on year 1

Objectives - To have the project proposal approved by SSCBR, fund agencies
- To decide the initial pilot school
- To establish liaison in the community
- To prepare the intensive training for teachers
Who facilitates? - Staff of SSCBR;
  the field worker in Neluwa,
  Project manager
  Field supervisor of Gall district
  Project manger
Who participates? - Funding agencies
- Head Teacher and class teachers in the school
- Other influential personnel in the community (e.g.) Priest
- Staff of Sarvodaya Special School (SSpSch)
Outcomes Aims, objectives and methodology for the innovation are agreed
Time 2 months (May, June)

First cycle -Phase 1
Objectives - To introduce the Child-to-Child approach
- To raise awareness about inclusive education
- To establish a good relationship between staff of SSpSch and teachers
- To prepare communication letter between the school and parents
Who facilitates? - Staff of Sarvodaya Special School (SSpSch)
Who participates? - Staff of SSCBR
- Teachers of the initial pilot school
Outcomes - The Child-to-Child approach is understood by participants.
- The value of inclusive education is shared among participants.
- Activity sheets to be used in implementing the project are developed
Time 2 months (July August)
One week intensive training in Moratuwa
4x one 90 minute workshop a week in Neluwa
Plus one day workshop for monitoring

First cycle -Phase 2
Objectives - To introduce the project in the school
- To raise awareness about disability and the project in the school and the community
- To form adult volunteer group
Who facilitates? - Staff of SSCBR
- Teachers in the school
Who participates? - Children in the school (with disabilities and non-disabilities)
- Parents
- People in the community
Outcomes - The value of the project is shared by all change agents.
- Disability awareness is raised and socially constructed dimension of disability is understood little by little.
Time 3 months (September, October, November)
12x one 60 minute workshop a week

First cycle -Phase 3
Objectives - To conduct a need analysis
Who facilitates? - Staff of SSCBR
- Teachers in the school
Who participates? - Children (peer groups ; elder and younger children will be formed)
- Parents and people in the community
Outcomes - Children who are out of schooling are identified
- The barriers to participation are identified
Time 2 months including winter break (December, January)

First cycle -Phase 4
Objectives - To find the way to remove the barriers to participation
- To prepare the school environment to be more welcoming to all children
Who facilitates? - Staff of SSCBR
- Teachers in the school
Who participates? - Children
- Parents and people in the community
Outcomes - The disabled children who were excluded can attend the school
- The more welcoming environment is fostered.
- All the children can more actively learn
Time 3 months (February, March, April)
12x one 60 minute workshop a week x 12 plus activities in the community

First cycle -Phase 5
Objectives - To support the new participants in the school
- To develop active learning
- To prepare the presentation of the learning experience
Who facilitates? - Staff of SSCBR
- Teachers in the school
Who participates? - Children
- Parents and people in the community
Outcomes <Adding to the outcomes of phase 4>
- Be ready for the presentation of the experience of the project
Time Rest of the school year (May, June), finish with the presentation in the community

Objectives To evaluate the initial pilot project
Who facilitates? - Staff of SSCBR
Who participates? - Children
- Teachers in the school (including the headteacher)
- Parents and people in the community
- Staff of Sarvodaya Special School (SSpSch)
- Funding agencies
- Other influential personnel in the community
- Teachers and children in the other schools
Outcomes To decide if the project is proceeded to the next cycle
- To decide if the project is expanded to the other schools
Time 2 week

6.4.1. Preparation
Initially, the project needs to be discussed within SSCBR in order to agree aims, objectives, methodology and the overall plan. Several meetings will be held to reach consensus on the project, then it is expected that SSCR will be ready to act as the main project facilitator. Secondly, discussions need to be conducted with funding agencies, schools and other influential personnel (like priests) in the community. Once all the agents agree to set up the project, comments and ideas for the proposal need to be drawn from them. SSCBR will organise several meeting to discuss the plan in order to reflect those comments and ideas. The main purpose is to share the meaning of change among upper cluster of the hierarchical structure and also with the funding agencies. Considering the need to overcome the obstacles discussed in chapter 6.3, this would need to be done at the initial stage of the project. Along with this, the staff of Sarvodaya Special School (SSpSch) owned by the Sarvodaya, the main body of SSCBR, prepares the training for teachers to be conducted in phase 1. They are expected to act as facilitators of training, because they have expertise[3] in educating disabled people and will be able to share their skills and knowledge with teachers and staff of SSCBR. A two-month period will be allocated for this preparation.

6.4.2. First cycle -Phase 1
Once consensus is reached among the upper cluster of the hierarchical structure and the funding is secured, the next stage is to prepare to introduce the Child-to-Child approach and to raise awareness about inclusive education amongst SSCBR and teachers. As reviewed in chapter 5.2, the support of adults in encouraging children to actively participate is crucial in Child-to-Child. This approach is new to SSCBR and teachers, so they need to study it, and this will be facilitated by the staff of SSpSch who are experienced in educating disabled children. Their expertise will be constantly provided throughout the project. This phase is important not only for training purpose, but also for establishing good relationship with teachers and SSpSch.

Utilising the period of the summer vacation, the training will be conducted intensively in the Sarvodaya Headquarters where there are lodging facilities for training. The reason for this is that the staff of the SSpSch will be easier to facilitate the training here. For teachers, the period would be less busy, and also it will be a good motivation because the headquarters are located in an urban area, Moratuwa. After 5 days training, the weekend will be allocated for enjoyment. For this training, the guidelines developed in Palestine will be used (Box 7, Appendix 7[4] for more detail).

After the intensive training, four workshops will be held continuously in Neluwa with the support of SSCBR. The purpose is to revise the guidelines reflecting their learning experiences in the intensive training, as Soboh et al (1997), writers of the guidelines, advises as follows: 'we would like you to make adaptations wherever you think is appropriate for your situation' (para.2). The outcome will be used in the following phases for activities in school and community. Along with this, the communication letter will be prepared. In the end, the staff of SSpSch will be invited for monitoring.

Box 7: Summary of the training guidelines

6.4.3. First cycle -Phase 2
The project will be introduced in the school at the start of the academic year. Teachers will facilitate the Child-to-Child activities using the modified guidelines developed during their training. The most crucial part of this phase 2 is to guide children to be active change agents. Thus, awareness raising about disability is the main objective here.

The first step of including disabled children in mainstream schools will be to help non-disabled children appreciate the strengths and abilities of the disabled child, rather than see only their weaknesses. Werner (1998), from his experience in Nicaragua, introduces a variety of activities using the Child-to-Child approach for raising awareness of disability in schools; for example, a race to use crutches or wheelchairs, a role play of simulating having impairments etc. Disabled children who have already attended the school will be expected to participate actively maximising their strengths. Step-by-step process (Box 6) will be used and discussion and practice will be repeated. Children will understand by doing and thinking by themselves, which will hopefully activate their learning experience as reviewed in chapter 5.2. These activities will help non-disabled children understand disability, which will lead them to help disabled children to overcome their difficulties, while disabled children would increase their self-esteem and be self-reliance.

Along with this activity in school, the project will be announced to the community. The major means of doing this is a communication letter, which will be distributed to families and community members by children. Initially, teachers and SSCBR will be responsible to issue it, but children will be asked to be involved on a voluntary basis with an expectation that the initiative will be gradually transferred to children. The priests who participated in the preparation will also contribute to disseminate the value of the project by talking in religious meetings.

Ideally, the adult volunteer group will be formed in this phase. Considering the difficult situation in Neluwa discussed in chapter 4, the amount of work needs to be carefully considered so that co-operation can be asked of people who are busy earning subsistence. The recognition of the important role of volunteers will be raised through religious meetings, which will hopefully add respect to the volunteer work in the community. Moreover, if facilitators judge it necessary, a small reward may be paid.

The major purpose of this phase is to raise disability awareness amongst all participants. However, as discussed earlier, changing attitudes and beliefs takes rather a long time, so it will be satisfactory if the starting point is brought about. Throughout the project, awareness will hopefully be fostered and disseminated gradually.

6.4.4. First cycle -Phase 3
The next stage is for the children to conduct a need analysis assisted by facilitators. In pairs of groups of elder and young, children will research and identify children who are out of school. Adults in the community will be encouraged to help the children.

When the researchers find children who are not attending school, the barriers to participation need to be identified. Considering the obedience culture, it is likely to be difficult for children to ask the families about the reasons for their children's non-attendance. This problem will be exacerbated if the barrier stems from the economic situation. Thus, this will be the responsibility of adult volunteers and facilitators. The role of children at this stage is more to establish a peer relationship with non-attending children. This will be conducted during November and December. Children are encouraged to visit non-attending children's home continuously, including the period of the winter break.

6.4.5. First cycle -Phase 4
The main task in Phase 4 will be to find the way to remove the barriers identified in Phase 3. As discussed in chapter 6.2.2, the initial task will be at the level of physically getting disabled children into the classroom, then gradually focus more at the level of developing relationships.

SSCBR will provide necessary services in the same manner as their conventional activities, such as financial support, referring to medical institutions etc. If physical barriers are identified, small re-constructions will be done by the carpenters of SSCBR supported by adult volunteers. Some children may be able to help with this.

The most important role of children in this phase is to support the children who are found in the survey in order to bring them into school. Non-attending children are likely to need intensive support coming to terms with their fear and unfamiliarity with the new environment, and also for academically catching up with other children. During this trial phase, non-attending children will not necessarily attend school every day. However, when judged to be ready enough, they will gradually come to school more regularly.

A 60-minute workshop will be planned once a week to exchange each group's experience of supporting the non-attending children, and any problems will be discussed in order to find a solution. The non-attending children will also attend these sessions to present what they need and how they feel. Werner (1998) gives evidence from his own experience in Mexico that 'with a little prompting, the children came up with yet more ideas'. He continues that '[both non-disabled and disabled children] are learning the joy that comes from bridging barriers to understanding, from creative problem-solving, and from helping one another [through the process]' (p.299). Parents will also be encouraged to join and support anytime they wish.

6.4.6. First cycle -Phase 5
Phase 5 will be a continuum of phase 4, towards disabled children's full attendance. Additionally, phase 5 will be the preparation for the evaluation which is planned in the next stage. SSCBR and teachers will work to organise the quantitative data: how many children who are out of school were identified, how many of them do or do not attend the school, the cost, statistics of activities conducted in the project etc. Meanwhile, children will prepare for the presentation of their experience of the project in the evaluation. Workshop sessions will be used more for the preparation of the presentation. The purpose of the presentation is in Box 8:

Box 8: The Purpose of the presentation

6.4.7. Evaluation
As chapter 5.1.3. concluded that evaluation was essential to this project, evaluation will be conducted in the end of the cycle. Every agent involved in this project will be invited to attend the evaluation.

The presentation by children, prepared in phase 5, will be conducted in the community. A temple or health centre will be used in order to stimulate the attendance of many people, especially those who are not familiar with the school. The teachers and children in the other schools, which could be candidates for this project, will also be invited. After the presentation, attendants will randomly be interviewed by the children and teachers who are present, and the interviews will be used in the later discussion.

The evaluation will also be conducted using a participatory approach as decided in chapter 5.1.3. The discussion will be held in the respective groups: SSCBR, teachers of the initial pilot school, children, and the adult volunteer group. Notably, disabled people will be asked their own experience and feeling in order to measure how far the disability awareness is raised and how much people's attitudes are changed. The purpose of this is to identify the view of each agent to the project and also the representatives in the next meeting will be decided.

This will be followed by a collective meeting, in which the representatives of all agents are supposed to join. In this collective meeting, the points in the following Box 9 will be discussed and decided.

Box 9: The points to be discussed in the collective meeting for the evaluation

The points to be discussed
1) how far the project reach its objectives
 2) how far the expected outcomes are achieved
 3) the impact of the project on disabled children and their families, non-disabled children in the school, and community members.
 4) the cost effectiveness of the project

The points to be possibly decided
1) whether the project should be continued.

<If agreed to continue the project>
 2) whether the project is set in the other schools, then how many, which school.
 3) how much further the target of the project is expanded in the second cycle

6.5. Designing a plan for the innovation in year 2
How to design the plan in year 2 really depends on the result of the first cycle. Therefore, a plan in year 2 will be designed with an assumption that the initial target is satisfactorily achieved and the foreign NGOs agree to increase the funding. The plan should be more flexible according to the real situation highlighted in year 1. As repeatedly mentioned, changing attitudes and beliefs is extremely difficult and requires rather a long time. The extent to which the project can be extended needs to be based on careful monitoring of the project for managing change.

Bearing the above considerations in mind, this section intends to show the direction that will be taken to pursue the expected outcomes in year 2. Two directions will be considered. One is to design a second cycle in the initial pilot school, and the other is to set the first cycle in another school.

6.5.1. The second cycle of the project
In the second cycle, the first task will be to tackle the issues highlighted in the evaluation of the first cycle. Also, the project will seek more participants, not only within school but also anyone in the community. New students will enter the school and some children who graduate from the school may be able to continue to be involved as a member of the adult volunteer group, because they will have a better understanding of the project.

Although continuous efforts to raise disability awareness will be indispensable, the focus will be more on the removal of more specific barriers, based on the individual needs identified after disabled children's attendance, for instance, curriculum considerations. Adding to this, the target group will be expanded to the children with more severe disabilities. For those children who can not come to schools because of physical barriers, the way to learn outside school will be considered; for example, SSCBR and teachers will plan to produce study materials for distance learning. Children's experience in supporting non-attending children's academic catching up can be reflected in the materials. Needless to say, family members will have a major role to play.

6.5.2. Setting the project in the other school
The project will be set up in other schools, when it is judged to be within the capacity of the project. The process would likely be smoother, because SSCBR has experience in facilitating the project. When positive outcomes are shown in year 1, it will motivate other schools to participate. Concerning the limited staff, the expansion will likely be a gradual process. However, the participants from the pilot school will be the resource. In the near future, they may even be able to act as facilitators of the project.

[1] Appendix 6: Administrative structure of SSCBR
[2]From personal interviews to the project manager and several field workers.
[3] However, the role of professionals is not always unproblematic, Many academics (e.g. Coleridge, P., 1993; Helander, E., 1993; Nakanishi, Y. and Kuno, K., 1997) take a critical look at it, including rehabilitation workers. They cautions that professionals tend to control the life of disabled people, which is a main cause of oppression of disabled people, because they have so much power from their expertise. However, professionals can also be vital when they work jointly with disabled people in formulating policy and implementing it.
[4] Appendix 7: Training Guidelines for Implementors of the Child-to-Child Activity Sheet

Chapter 7
Conclusion: Towards Wider Change

This paper has strongly argued the existence of invisible people. In viewing contemporary society, the influence of globalisation is more likely inevitable for anyone in this world and inequality seems to never vanish. The whole global system even seems to exist at the expense of 'have-nots'. Inequality obviously also exists in the opportunity for basic education. People with disabilities are arguably those who are more likely to have the least, even among those 'have-nots', because disabled people are often confined in segregated settings and tend to be overlooked or neglected.

Governments and international alliances have attempted to relieve the unequal situation for decades. However, the change seems to be rather sluggish. Watkins (1995) critically accuses the attempts, saying that 'what is actually lacking in most cases [of inequality] is the political will to make these resources available and to invest them in an equal manner' (p.37). This is what Little (1994) calls 'lip-serve' political agenda. As evidence, the world is using almost 100 times the money needed for the realisation of EFA on weapons [1] (UNESCO, 2000b), the same facts are seen in Sri Lanka.

Even when governments have such genuine will, it will not be achieved by their efforts alone, as discussed in this paper. Therefore, the proposed innovation attempts to adopt the phenomenological approach that emphasises 'bottom-up' and 'participation' in the belief that 'the social change necessary to support diverse groups in a society based on right and equal opportunities will only be brought about by the actions of the groups themselves' (Hurst, 1999 p.27). The study expects 'invisible people' to throw different views on the current discourse and to transform the society towards an inclusive society which would be very favourable for everyone.

The proposed innovation attempts to work within the formal education system considering that 'strong public school systemノis the key to social, political and economic renewal in society' (Fullan, 1999 p.1). By activating the role of the invisible people who live in marginalised community, the proposed innovation attempts to remove barriers to participation and learning for all children in formal schooling.

I acknowledge that the proposed innovation is rather small-scale and personnel-intensive. It will be implemented within a very small area starting from a small target, and also needs to rely on one local NGO, SSCBR. They have been implementing CBR independently from the government programmes and seem not to have strong connection with the government and other CBRs. It implies that the innovation is unlikely to have a broader impact. Moreover, the aims and objectives set in the beginning are rather ambitious for a small-scale and personnel-intensive project.

However, it hopefully creates a starting point towards wider change. Reviewing Werner's (1998) report about promoting inclusive education through the Child-to-Child approach, beneficiaries of the project can become vital facilitators over some periods of implementation. By bringing disabled children into schooling, they will be more visible in the community, and the closer people interact with them, the more they are likely to understand and welcome diversity. When those disabled children grow up and can help other disadvantaged people, the long-term objectives will gradually be brought about.

More than within one community, it is hoped that the experience spills over to other areas that SSCBR covers. The most challenging area of SSCBR, namely Neluwa, may be a model for the other areas. Moreover, this strategy can be applied to other CBRs implemented by other agents, if the efforts are made to expand the network with other CBRs. It seems to be very important to make broader impacts happen. Furthermore, the problems are historically formed with intricately, intertwined factors as examined in chapter 3 and 4, so a more politically powerful force seems to be required to tackle the issues both at micro and macro levels.

Nevertheless, it also needs to be acknowledged that above hopes are rather idealistic and should not be optimistically overestimated. Changing attitudes is culturally sensitive and not visible especially within a short period. Particularly this proposal is designed based on many assumptions rather than on practical experience; it is admittedly rather an armchair study. If there is a chance to implement this innovation, it is clear that involvement of those who are affected by the change should definitely be required and the proposal need to be flexibly modified by them.

Bearing these facts deep in mind, this proposed innovation hopefully gives some insights for other contexts, just as it is designed by learning from experience in the other areas, especially when I myself may have the opportunity to work with disabled people anywhere in the world.

[1]  UNESCO (2000b) estimates that US$ 8 billion is needed per year for the realisation of EFA, yet US$ 780 billion a year are spent as military expenditure.


Appendix 1: Administrative Structure and Education System in Sri Lanka   79
Appendix 2: Educational performance of Sri Lanka   80
Appendix 3: Legislation related to the disabled people's rights and the provision of Special Education   81
Appendix 4: Map of Sri Lanka and Neluwa   84
Appendix 5: SSCBR's statistics for the year 1999   85
Appendix 6: Administrative structure of SSCBR   86
Appendix 7: Training Guidelines for Implementors of the Child-to-Child Activity Sheet   87

Appendix 1: Administrative Structure and Education System in Sri Lanka

                    (* Special focus on Special Education)

(Modified from Perera, 1999; Munasinghe, 2000; Abayasekara,1998; UNESCO, 1995)

Appendix 2: Educational performance of Sri Lanka

Literacy rate Adult literacy rate (% age 15 and above 1998) 91.1
Youth literacy rate of relevant age group 1998) 96.5
Age group enrollment ratios (adjusted) Primary age group (% of relevant age group 1997) 99.9
Secondary age group (% of relevant age group 1997) 76.0
Public education expenditure As % of GNP 1995-97 3.4
As % of total government expenditure 1995-97 8.9
Pre-primary, primary and secondary (as % of all levels 1994-97) 74.8
Tertiary (as % of all levels 1994-97) 9.3
Female adult literacy Rate (% age 15 and above 1998) 88.3
As % of male rate 1998 94.0
Female primary age group enrollment (adjusted) Ratio (% of primary school age girls 1997) 99.9
As % of male rate (1997) 100.0
Female secondary age group enrollment (adjusted) Ratio (% of secondary school age girls 1997) 79.3
As % of males 1994-97 109.0
Female tertiary students Per 100,000 women 1995-97 388.0
As % of males 1994-97 69.0

                                  (Source: UNDP, 2000)

Appendix 3: Legislation related to the disabled people's rights and the provision of Special Education

The Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka
Article 4,
All persons are equal before the law and are entitled to the equal protection of the lawノnothing in this article shall prevent special provision being made, by law, subordinate legislation or executive action, for the advancement or women, children or disabled persons.

(UNESCO 1995 p.197, Nakanishi, 2000c)
Article 27,
Complete eradication of illiteracy and the assurance to all persons of the right to universal and equal access to education at all levels
(Sivasithambaram and Peiris, 1994))

2 Legislation (UNESCO, 1996, p.162-4)
The Education Ordinance No. 31 (1939)

The state is responsible for continuance and discontinuance of schools of different grades including schools for the education of blind, deaf, defective and epileptic children. This ordinance also establishes special schools for mentally and physically handicapped children.

2.2. The 1979 Educational Reform Committee's Report
<Teacher Education>
The report recommended that the general course of training provided for teachers who handle normal children should include at least a basic knowledge of the skills required for handling handicapped children.

2.3. Policy Guidelines for the Development of Special Education (1991)
<Objective of special education>
The objective of special education shall be the development and maximisation of potentials, as well as the inculcation of value systems to make learners with special educational needs become independent, useful and contributing members of society.
The goal of special education shall be the integration of learners with special educational needs into the regular school system and eventually the community.

<Curriculum Entitlement>
The emphasis shall be on technical and vocational education in the special curriculum for special educational needs.

(UNESCO, 1996, p.162-4)

3 1997 General Education Reform (MOEH, 1997 p.25)

A number of children suffer from handicaps which may be due to physical, mental or societal problems. The system will adopt a two-pronged approach to serve the needs of such children.

11.1.1. Every effort will be made to bring the child into the main stream of education
11.1.2. Where the above is not possible special schools or institutions will be organized to cater to the needs of those children.
11.1.3. Programmes will be established for slow learners and for fast learners in such manner that the normal school system is not affected.

Fast learners, for instance, can b e offered special vacation programmes which can help them to develop their potential at a more rapid pace.

4 Main Provisions of the Act for the Protection of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Sri Lanka (1996)

1. Establishment of a National Council for Persons with Disabilities

The purpose of the Council is to take any and all necessary actions to promote and safeguard the interests of people who have disabilities, which include initiating, implementing and sponsoring programmes to meet their needs, monitoring and evaluating State and NGO activities, recommending policy and research, information collection and dissemination.

2. Establishment of a 'National Secretariat for Persons with Disabilities.

This is the implementing arm of the Council.

3. Establishment of a 'National Fund for Persons with Disabilities'.
The National Fund deals with all the financial transactions of the Council, both receiving funds voted by the Parliament for the use of the Council donations, aid and grants, and paying out all such finances required for expenditure by the Council.

4. Registration of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs).

All NGOs working in the disability field are required, under the Act, to be registered with the Council. Fears that this is a repressive measure are unfounded. This provision has been made to give the Council the necessary powers to prevent the exploitation of individuals who have disabilities and disabilities itself. It will also no doubt be valuable in enabling the Council to facilitate co-ordination between the State and NGO sectors.

5. Protection of Individual Rights

The fifths major provision deals with individual rights, making particular mention of discrimination in employment and educational aspects and access to public places. It also describes legal measures that may be taken in instances where individuals have been discriminated against, empowering Provincial level Judicial Institutions to deal with such matters, and gives the Council powers to act on behalf of individuals when necessary.

(Mendis, 1997, section 3)

Appendix 4: Map of Sri Lanka and Neluwa  (omitted)

Appendix 5: SSCBR's statistics for the year 1999
(Source: Sarvodaya Suwasetha Sewa Society, 1999)

5-1.Total Number of Disabled Persons under Care/Treatment 5-2.Delivered Services
Age Group Male Female Total Physiotherapy 232
00-05 26 32 58 Uses of Equipment 121
05-18 97 79 176 Schooling 66
18-45 64 48 112 Home Education 33
45 and above 46 26 72 Activities of Daily Living 211
Total 233 185 418 Self-employment 18
Equipment 6
Other financial assistance 11
Referral to Hospital and Transport given 9

5-3.Classification of the Disabled

Cerebral Palsy 120 Deaf 20
Cerebra Vascular Accident 34 Speech Impaired 7
Polio 9 Erbs Palsy 2
Myopathy 6 Fits/Epilepsy 8
Spina Bifida 7 Perthes 1
Back Deformities 4 Burns 2
Spinal Cord Injury 17 Down Syndrome 8
Amputees 11 Mental Retarded 38
Club Feet 10 Cleft Lips/Palate 9
Bow Legs 6 Fractures 20
Knock Knees 3 Arthritis 10
Visually Impaired 21 Nerves Disorders 17
Blind 7 Born Diseases 3
Deaf and Dumb 15 Other Leg Disabilities 3
Total 418

Appendix 6: Administrative structure of SSCBR
(Source: Sarvodaya Suwasetha Sewa Society, 1999)


Appendix 7: Training Guidelines for Implementors of the Child-to-Child Activity Sheet
(Extract from Soboh et al, 1997)

Training Outline
Aim: To promote inclusive education through the Child-to-Child approach.

Objectives: At the end of this training the participants will:
 ・Be able to discuss the different models of disability.
 ・Be able to identify and discuss attitudinal and physical barriers in society.
 ・Be able to identify the characteristics of Inclusive Education.
 ・Be able to identify the implications of Inclusive Education for learning and teaching.
 ・Be able to discuss, implement and evaluate classroom activities based on the Child-to-Child approach to promote inclusion.
 ・Be able to discuss aspects of a support mechanism to sustain inclusion.

Supporting Training Activities
Ice Breakers/ Warming up:
Each workshop/session starts with an ice-breaker or warming up activity.

The expectations of the participants concerning the training need to be discussed for synthesising them with the objectives of this training. After each day the expectations can be looked at and ticked off if achieved.

A monitoring will be conducted at the end of each activity in order to be sure that what your are doing is beneficial and fun for the participants. Monitoring does not need to be lengthy and complicated, often it is just a rough measure of how participants feel about the training.

Main Training Activities
<Activity 1. Models of Disability>
At the end of these activities the participants will:
キ Be able to identify the social and individual model of disability.
キ Be able to identify models of disability in language.
キ Be able to discuss portrayal of disabled people in pictures.

Models of disability
The participants are asked to identify the characteristics of the individual and the social model. Feed back through short presentations on a flipchart and whole group discussion.
2. Sorting activity for models
The participants are divided into small groups and given the strips of paper. Half the strips have statements representing the individual model, half the social model. The participants are asked to sort them and stick them on a flipchart. Through a plenary the results are compared and discussed.

3. Changing sentences
The participants are divided into groups. The three sentences The participants are asked to change the sentences which focus on difficulties faced by disabled people whereby the difficulties are located in the individual (individual model), in order that the problem is located in the environment (Social model). The created sentences are discussed in a plenary.

4. Words used
The participants are asked to brainstorm all the terms used to describe a person with disabilities. They are listed on a flipchart and it is discussed with which model they correspond and if they indicate something positive or negative.

*Note: Many of the words used will be as a result of the influence of charity and the medical establishment and are therefore based on the individual model. In all languages there are words related to disability which indicate a negative attitude towards disability. Disabled people would like these words to be abandoned. Many of the words used indicate that disabled people are not 'whole', often leading to rejection/exclusion.

5. Pictures portraying disabled people
The group is divided into groups and given a series of pictures portraying disabled people to raise money etc.. The participants are asked what the pictures tell us about the disabled person. Then the participants are given the other pictures showing disabled people in a more positive way. The participants are asked what these pictures tell us.

<Activity 2. Exclusion Introduction>
Objectives: At the end of this activity the participants will:
キ Be able to discuss personal experiences of exclusion.

Personal experiences of exclusion.
The participants are given a couple of minutes to think of a personal experience of exclusion. The facilitator(s) give examples of their personal experiences. When all have a thought they are asked to stand in a circle and exchange them with the others. Turns are taken by throwing a ball to each other.

2. Possible causes, feelings and reactions to exclusion
The participants are divided into small groups and asked to discuss issues of exclusion in general. They are asked to list:

1. Possible causes of exclusion
2. Feelings generated when excluded.
3. Possible reactions to exclusion.

Feed back to the whole group in a plenary.

<Activity 3. Exclusion and Disability>
Objectives: At the end of this day the participants will:
キ Be aware of exclusion experiences of disabled people.
キ Be able to discuss activities related to rehabilitation and inclusion/exclusion.
キ Be able to identify issues of concern and possible solutions.

Exclusion experiences of disabled people.
Disabled people/family of disabled people are invited to join and discuss their experiences of exclusion. The participants are divided into small groups. One visitor joins each group. Rotation of the visitors can take place.

2. Watching Video or Stories
Based on watching video or reading stories which show a positive portrayal of disabled people, group discussion is conducted. The participants are asked to indicate possible causes of exclusion and also possible way of inclusion.

<Activity 4. Inclusion and Education>
Objectives: At the end of this day the participants will:
キ Be able to discuss the principles of inclusive education as outlined by UNESCO.
キ Be able to identify aspects of social integration and education.

Education and inclusion
The participants are divided into small groups, each group given an issue to discuss concerning being included into the local school:

1. Going to and from the local school.
2. Being part of the local school.
3. Being part of the class of your age at the local school.

The participants are asked to identify what activities are connected to this, especially in relation to other people. Each group gives feedback to the others.
2. Principles of Inclusive education
Principles of Inclusive Education is introduced. An important aspect to stress is the principle of 'everybody benefiting'.

3. Issues of concern
The participants are divided into three groups. Each group is asked to prepare for a role play. They have to consider all the possibilities of their role without knowing what the other group will do. The roles are:
1. Parents who would like their disabled child to attend the local school.
2. Teachers of the local school who do not want the child to attend their school.
3. The role of 'idea' person, helping the parents to get the child accepted
During the implementation of the role play the others make notes of the issues and the 'ideas' put forward. After the role play the issues are listed on a flipchart and the possible solutions discussed.

<Activity 5. Attitudinal Barriers>
Objectives: At the end of these activities the participants will:
キ Be able to discuss aspects influencing the formation of attitudes towards disabled people.

Attitudes towards disability
The participants are asked to discuss the influence of exclusion, the role of disabled people in the formation of attitudes and how to break the vicious cycle. Large group discussion then takes place in a plenary.

*Note: The facilitator introduces the issue of attitudes by reminding the participants of the social model, the influence of language and pictures.

2. Measuring attitudes
In order to see if the activities are making a difference, an attempt is made to measure aspects of the participants' attitudes before and after the activities. The drawings made on the first work shop day are put up and discussed focusing on how people's views of the class/group differ based on different information. Observation is another way of measuring attitudes.

Using the drawings showing how they view their class/group may tell us about the relations between students, between teacher and students. It may show inclusion/exclusion of certain children. The teachers are asked to ask the children to produce a drawing.

<Activity 6. Child-to-Child Activity Sheet>
Objectives: At the end of these activities the participants will:
キ Have experienced the activities from the Child-to-Child activity sheet.
キ Be able to implement the activities from the activity sheet.

Child-to-Child activities
Child-to-Child activities sheet is introduced and studies.

*Note: It is important that the participants have a chance to practice to facilitate discussion after the activities. Some participants may not be familiar with this kind of methodology. Encourage also the use of small group discussions.

<Activity 7. Support>
Objectives: At the end of these activities the participants will:
キ Be able to identify aspects of successful inclusion.
キ Be able to identify further support needed.

Feedback from teachers concerning the implementation of the classroom activities.

*Note: The teachers are asked to implement the drawing activity with the children and the observation in the classroom after they have finished implementing the activities.

2. Successful inclusion
Brainstorming is used to make a list of what is needed for successful inclusion - comments on flipchart.

3. Support
The participants are divided into small groups and asked to make a support flow diagram indicating the present support and the direction of the flow. The flow diagram is drawn on a flipchart and presented to the others.
Then the groups are asked to identify further support needed by comparing the list identified through brainstorming and the flow chart. Each group is asked to specify the support in relation to the administration, professionals and parents/community. Feed back through a plenary. A draft plan could be written up incorporating the recommendations for further support.

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